The Twitter Controversy Involving Shashi Tharoor

By Paritosh Chakma

All of a sudden there is a mad rush among the (Congress party) politicians to prove themselves "austere" to win the hearts of the aam admi , i.e. the electorate. After, Sonia Gandhi travelled in economy class and her son Rahul took the Delhi-Amritsar Shatabdi Express, everybody wanted to turn austere to please the Congress boss. So much so that Union Minister Salman Khurshid had to issue a warning that “vulgar display” of austerity should be discouraged. Mr Khurshid argued that "Austerity is something intrinsic and very personal".

There is however some mismatch. For example, Rahul Gandhi reportedly told reporters, "As a politician, you have a duty to be austere,” but his visit to Tamil Nadu to strengthen the Youth Congress cost Rs 1 crore from Congress' purse. No matter, who is paying the money.

Even Shashi Tharoor, Minister of State for External Affairs has claimed that he was paying from his own pocket, not taxpayers' money, for staying in 5-star hotel but was ordered to leave by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and shift to State Guest House.

Recent tweets in social networking site "Twitter.Com" however invited trouble for Mr Tharoor, a novice in politics after he tweetted - "absolutely, in cattle class out of solidarity with all our holy cows!", in reply to a query whether he was ready to travel "cattle class". He was reprimanded by the Congress party, and Rajasthan CM went further ahead to demand his resignation. Luckily for Mr Tharoor, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the minister's remark was "a joke", and should not be taken seriously.

On his part, Mr Tharoor clarified that "cattle class" is "a silly expression but means no disrespect to economy travellers, only to airlines for herding us in like cattle" and said sorry for the misunderstanding. He told another important thing: people do not have humour to accept humour. So, what is the fuss about calling economy class a "cattle class". The Gandhis may be travelling in economy class or boarding a train now to emulate the experiences of the common man, but how long? They will never be common men - "aam admi". I hope they also realized that there exist something called "sleeping class" in train and ordinary people do not travel with heavy security around them. Politicians enjoying z-security should never travel in train or on the road. This only leads to chaos and creates untold problems for the citizenry. They are heavenly people - austerity is not meant for them. As I understand, politicians are more hurt by Mr Tharoors observation because he stingingly refered to the "holy cows" which the majority politicians see they are. But Mr Tharoor clarified, "holy cows are NOT individuals but sacrosanct issues or principles that no one dares challenge".

Another truth that emerges from the present controversy is that "indeed, we lack humour". While not many politicians are net-savvy, poor Shashi will continue to bear the brunt for his tweets. But Shashi must also realize there are millions across the globe who are behind him. I am one of them.

Breaking the impasse

By - Suhas Chakma
The Kathmandu Post, Nepal, 18 Sept, 2009, http://www.kantipuronline.com/tkp/news/news-detail.php?news_id=338

September 18 - India’s Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao received a lukewarm response on her two day visit to Nepal on Sept. 15-16. She met the very same officials whom she met in New Delhi about a month ago. In addition she met President Ram Baran Yadav and Chief of the Army Staff Chhatraman Singh Gurung. The missing link was the Maoist leader Prachanda who conspicuously left for Hong Kong clearly to avoid a meeting.

So was the reason behind Foreign Secretary Rao’s rapid reciprocal visit to Kathmandu to re-announce the package announced in Delhi only about a month ago?

Nothing has changed since the visit of Nepal’s prime minister to Delhi. The stalemate and its consequences are still firmly in place: political polarisation deepens; the peace process continues to run dangerously off course; splits in the larger parties are ever more evident; the country is in ever deeper chaos and the security situation continues to deteriorate. Most seriously there are still two highly politicised armies in the country, not to mention the dangerous proliferation of ever more armed groups.Most speculate that Rao’s mission was to buttress Madhav Nepal. But Indian influence has its limits and the visit is unlikely to do much more than delay the inevitable end of this lame duck government.

India’s support for this government appears mostly aimed at denying Nepal’s Maoists a share in power. This position seems linked to rising domestic Indian alarm over Naxalis. Home Minister P Chidambaram in his address to the conference of the India’s State police chiefs on Sept. 14 in New Delhi stated that the Naxalism has affected 2000 police stations in 223 districts of 13 States of India. At the same meeting, National Security Advisor M K Narayan expressed concerns about Maoist resurgence in Nepal.

India is right to be concerned about the failure of the Nepal Maoists to end violence. But this does not necessarily add up to the shrill arguments about Maoist takeover and havens for Indian Naxalism that find favour at the Embassy; and appear to be transmitted verbatim to South Block. India’s most senior Nepal expert, SD Muni has indelicately described the ideas of insurrection as: “bullshit”.

If security is the end goal of Indian policy then India has to realise — whether it likes it or not — that inclusion of Nepal’s Maoists in government is central to a stable and secure Nepal. All the main parties have demonstrated that if they are not included they can make life impossible for the government. There is no solution to the stalemate in Nepal without the Maoists, just as there is no solution without including the Nepali Congress. India’s current position of maintaining the stalemate adds to insecurity: it is not in India security interests.

More broadly, India’s policy on Nepal simply does not add up. India claims to support the peace process. Yet India provides public support to the Nepal Army and its supporters who vehemently oppose integration of the Maoist army. Integration (albeit undefined) is a central part of the peace process.The consequences of this one sided policy are that they allow the Army and its right wing political supporters an effective destabilizing veto over the peace process. It will and is catalysing a Maoist reaction of increased protest and the very real threat of increased violence which could spiral. It prevents resolution of the peace process and provides momentum to the armed groups in the absence of security reform. It further adds momentum to the damaging process of polarisation that empowers those who favour extreme “solutions” and conflict at the expense of consensus politics. In these circumstances increased insecurity on India’s borders is inevitable.

Similarly, India must realise that a legitimate constitutional drafting process requires Maoist participation; they are the largest political party in the constituent assembly. Why would the Maoists soften their position as long as they are denied access to power?

The Maoists on their part must recognise India’s needs. It is a matter of common sense. Prachanda may act as the rabble-rouser to maintain equidistance from China and India but the fact remains India has unmatched leverage.

Nepal is landlocked by India. Nepal can get financial support from China but it is simply not possible to bring gasoline and food supplies for 27 million Nepali people by air. To bring Nepal to a standstill all India needs to do is to put two police constables respectively at the Mahendra Nagar side and the Kakarbitta side along the Indo-Nepal border to strangle Nepal.

Maoist anger against Indian interference cannot be addressed by attacking Indian priests at Pashupati Nath temple. It is one matter to demand the ouster of the Indian priest, it is another matter to strip and assault them. The Maoists may deny their involvement but it is an open secret that they were behind the attacks.

Nepal’s stalemate is a serious political issue with wide ranging consequences for India. The policy should be addressed by India’s politicians and not left to bureaucrats. It requires the engagement of political leaders. The absence of an Indian political party with leverage on the government of India and an interest in Nepal is a handicap. The CPI (M) which had an interest in Nepal affairs has no leverage on the current UPA government. The political parties in Bihar and UP across the spectrum have no interest on Nepal.

The Asian Centre for Human Rights believes that a first step to a more positive Indian role would be to appoint a political leader to play a role — similar to that played previously by Sitaram Yechury of the CPI(M) — as an envoy to break the impasse in Nepal. Yechury was instrumental not only in the negotiations between the Maoists and seven party alliance but also amongst the Maoists.

Such an envoy should provide political support for a national unity government and provide support to the parties to sign a new agreement to clarify areas of current disagreement and develop mechanisms to address the disagreements and bring the peace process on track.

If such an agreement could indeed be reached, India’s Prime Minister must visit Nepal. Policies announced by Foreign Secretary Rao will have meaning in such a situation. No Prime Minister of India has visited Nepal since then Prime Minister I K Gujaral in 1997. The first foreign visits undertaken by India’s Foreign Minister Mr S M Krishna and Home Minister P. Chidambaram were to Bhutan in, respectively, June and August of this year. Earlier, in May 2008, India’s Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh had also visited that country.

India claims to be a super power. But, it must also act responsibly and transparently. It must look beyond retired foreign secretaries while appointing envoys to Nepal. Many of the Indian political leaders share excellent rapport with the Nepalese political leaders and that should be utilised. A stable Nepal is very much in India’s national interest.

(The writer is Director of the Asian Centre for Human Rights)

Read more on Nepal:

- Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR)'s Briefing Paper - Madhes: The challenges and opportunities for a stable Nepal, 19 Sept, 2009

- ACHR's Briefing Paper- Nepal and the Pax Indianus, 14 July 2009

More articles by Suhas Chakma:

- Enforce the law in North-East by Suhas Chakma, The Tribune, India, 19 August 2009, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2009/20090819/edit.htm#7

- Need for a policy for the displaced people by Suhas Chakma, The Tribune, India, 1 Jan., 2006, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060101/edit.htm#1

Rain water harvesting in the North-eastern India- with special reference to Mizoram

By - Dr. M.P. Mishra

[I have found this article very interesting and relevant, and have therefore reproduced here. The source is as below: http://www.ecosensorium.org/2009/09/rain-water-harvesting-in-north-eastern.html]

Mizoram is one of the smallest states in the north-eastern India having an area of only 21,000 sq. Km. It is located in the extreme North East of India bordering Myanmar and Bangladesh. The state is entirely mountainous covered with lush green vegetation. The mountains range in a North - South direction and the rivers flow in either a North or South direction. The highest peak namely Blue Mountain is only 7100 feet high and the climate of Mizoram is moderate. Towns and villages in Mizoram are mostly located on hilltops or on the upper reaches of the hills. Since perennial streams and rivers are located much below the habitations, scarcity of water in the dry season is very common. The whole state enjoys abundant monsoon rainfall during the rainy season extending five or six months in a year.

Springs on the hill slope and valleys are the main water supply sources in the villages. In the dry period the yield from springs gets reduced drastically. During the worst dry periods one has to wait long hours to obtain just a bucketful of water from the spring sources. Spring water supplemented by rainwater harvesting still remains today, the main means of water supply in many villages and outskirts of towns.

Through their skill and experience, the people living in hills and mountains of North-eastern India have developed a number of novel practices of farming, checking soil erosion, preventing landslides, and yes – of conserving water. Cropping in terraces along hill slopes is an age-old practice developed by tribal people. Tribals of Mizoram and Nagaland are expert in cutting beautiful terraces along mountain slopes. This system of cropping is beneficial in retaining fertility of soil; preventing land slides and checking soil erosion. Secondly, it is helpful in retaining the moisture of soil and conserving water, also. How are the terraced fields irrigated? Well, here is the answer.

Tribal people in the north-eastern India are expert in cutting beautiful terraces on hill slopes
The terraced fields are irrigated by a network of water- channels of bamboos that reach to every field. The terraces are graduated in so nice and scientific ways that water flows conveniently through the bamboo channels and irrigates the crop fields. Sometimes holes are made in the bamboo-pipes that facilitate the flow of water in drips. Thus the water is saved against any wastage during the process of irrigation. This system of irrigation is called as “Bamboo-drip Irrigation System”.

The loss of forests and less density of trees in certain regions has altered the pattern of rainfall in some districts of the North –eastern India including Mizoram and Nagaland. The water cycle in these regions has badly been altered and the sources of water have become inefficient. With the skill and experience, the people of these areas have developed a novel method of rain water harvesting and water conservation which is called as Zabo System of Rain water Harvesting.

The word “Zabo” means – impounding of water. The indigenous system of conservation of rain water in Mizoram and Nagaland, through which water is collected and stored in ponds for irrigation and other purposes, is called as the Zabo system of water conservation. The harvesting of water through this system is done by collecting rain water in catchments along mountain slopes. A Pond is dug to store water of the catchment area and all the water flowing down through terraces is facilitated to accumulate into it. The water thus accumulated in ponds is used for various purposes including irrigation. The Government of Mizoram has started a number of projects of water conservation. Rainwater harvesting and spring developments were taken up as a Government Programme. The Rajiv Gandhi National Drinking Water Mission, aiming at providing drinking water to every person, sanctioned a substantial fund for rooftop rainwater harvesting tanks. As many as 198 villages in Mizoram have benefited from the scheme.

The border fencing conundrum in Mizoram

- The insensitivity of the Mizoram government is deplorable -

By Paritosh Chakma

The Chakma tribals in Mizoram are in awkward situation, thanks to the ongoing border fencing along the Mizoram-Bangladesh border. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs’ Annual Report 2008-2009, fencing of 150.15 km stretch out of the total 352.33 km sanctioned in Mizoram has been completed.

As many as 35,438 Chakmas from 5790 families in 49 villages, i.e. 49.7% of the total Chakma population, will be displaced. Their land, homestead, garden and forests have been acquired by the state government of Mizoram under the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. In all land acquisitions across the country, the State has always employed arbitrary methods. Notably, the Mizoram government through its gazette notification issued on 27th October 2006 (Issue No. 272) under the Land Acquisition Act had warned that “All persons interested in the said land are hereby warned not to obstruct or interfere with any Surveyor or other persons employed upon the said land for the purpose of the said acquisition” (Clause 3 of the notification).

Protests by the Chakmas can be dealt with firmly on the ground of “obstruction” or “inference” by the protestors to the fencing activities. This takes away the democratic right to protest peacefully against injustice, if any. Of course, there have been lots of injustices.

The victims have been alleging discrimination in payment of compensation. While some have only received in thousands (below 1 lakh), some others have managed to get as high as thirty lakhs or a few even above. How these people got so high whereas some got extremely low has not been explained. Yet, some have informed me that they have not got any compensation despite losing their fertile lands or gardens. One of my friends told me his name was okeyed by the surveyors and he did produce his land document but he came to know from insiders that his name is missing from the final list of beneficiaries. He is contemplating legal action and I support him very much. This means that there is simply no iota of transparency, openness and fairness in the delivery of compensations. Often, in such environment there is high chance of corruption among officials and others. And, Lal Thanhawla administration which has promised clean and good governance must take notice of this.

As for the prospect of resettlement and rehabilitation there is complete darkness. The fencing affected people who are really innocent and ignorant about the affairs of the state (displacement is new phenomenon to them) keep on asking me on the phone whether I came to know anything from the Ministry of Home Affairs in Delhi about R & R. The state government of Mizoram has never cared to assuage their feelings of insecurity or alienation. In fact, district level officials have been suggesting that there may not be any R&R and the victims will have to rebuild their lives with the compensation money they have been provided. This struck fear in the hearts of the Chakma victims as majority of them have consumed up their compensation money, and they have now been living in penury.(To know more in this regard, read another report: Let the Chakmas live in peace; give them the respect they deserve )

In comparison, other state governments are better. At least they think the people who are affected by the border fencing are their own. The state government of Meghalaya had even suspended the fencing works in response to the protests from the victims and this provided itself and officials of Border Management to investigate the grievances expressed by the affected people. Nothing of that sort has happened in Mizoram. On 1 September 2009, Tripura Chief Minister gave an assurance in the State Assembly that all the displaced families (7,997 families) will be provided proper rehabilitation in the state (The Sentinel, 3 September 2009). He was replying to a query by an opposition Congress MLA. Compare this with the position adopted by the Mizoram Home Department with regard to the Chakmas: “It may be mentioned that those families placed on the other side of the Fencing Line may not be called 'displaced' since the Fencing Line is not the boundary of Indo-Bangia Border.” How funny! Does the Mizoram government trying to say that the fencing affected people will not be provided any rehabilitation?

Such insensitivity on the part of the Mizoram government is highly deplorable. Although about half of the Chakmas in Mizoram will be displaced, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, or his predecessor Zoramthanga of MNF,  has never made any policy statement in the House or elsewhere. No peoples’ representative including the two Chakma MLAs in the House has raised any concern for the would-be displaced Chakmas. Instead the Chakmas have been kept guessing in the dark.

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To know more about the situation of Chakmas in Mizoram, please read "Mizoram: Minority Report" by Paritosh Chakma, The Economic & Political Weekly, 6 June 2009 Issue

Nepal’s language imbroglio

By - Suhas Chakma, Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights

Nepal’s Vice President (VP), Paramananda Jha’s decision to take his oath of office in Hindi was greeted with near apoplexy by the political establishment in Kathmandu. The Supreme Court (SC) of Nepal instructed the VP to retake the oath in Nepali by 4 p.m. on Aug. 30 2009. VP Jha has refused to take fresh oath. Nepal is in a major political and constitutional crisis.

Speaking as a member of an indigenous group — the Chakmas — and as someone who has spent a lifetime defending minorities and indigenous communities, I find much of the argument very familiar. The undertone of the debate in Kathmandu seems clearly premised on a fixed idea of what is, and what is not Nepali. This sits on the exclusionary idea that Hindi is an Indian language and all that infers about many people of the Tarai.

Read the full article: Nepal's Language Imbroglio, The Kathmandu Post, 3 September 2009

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