Sunday, December 28, 2008

Congress' "electoral Tsunami" in Mizoram: Why the Congress won a landsliding victory

By - Paritosh Chakma
In the recently concluded MLA elections, the Congress surprised every one by winning 32 seats in the 40-member Legislative Assembly! This surpassed even Congress workers’ own imaginations. It was "electoral Tsunami" for the Congress. The ruling MNF was almost rooted out, struggling to get 3 seats. The newly formed alliance UDA, despite all its tall claims proved to be no factor with 4 seats.

Every one is left guessing and speculating as to what led to this historic win, the first of its kind and magnitute in the electoral history of Mizoram.

Was it a miracle? By no means was it a miracle. It was a vote for change.

There are a complex mixture of several factors which came into play. In my opinion, the main issues were the following:

Killing of Rev. Chanchinmawia: Rev. Chanchinmawia, a veteran and influential Church leader, was allegedly killed. The murder has remained a mystery so far. The accusing figure pointed towards the complicity of the MNF government. The MNF was “compelled” to hand over the case to the CBI, after the Mizoram Police made no headway. The inability of the MNF government to bring the killers to justice did not go well with the Mizoram Presbyterian Synod, the state’s apex church. The church, it is an open secret, plays crucial roles in Mizoram elections. Extremely religious that the Mizos are, the killing of Rev. Chanchinmawia and indifference of the MNF government to nail to killers took the common Mizos away from the MNF.

Corruption: The Congress alleged that Zoramthanga administration was involved in huge corruption of BAFFOCOS money released by the Congress-led UPA government to combat the bamboo famine menace. The visit and lecture of Dr Manmohan Singh in Aizawl who exposed Zoramthanga government’s corruption and inability to deliver good goverance was enough to woo the learned Aizawlites. He shifted the winds in favor of the Congress as the Mizo voters wanted a change for good and corruption free governance. This is evident as the Congress won 8 out of 11 seats in Aizawl city.

Anti-incumbency factor: The Congress did brilliantly exploit the anti-incumbency factor against the MNF. During 10-year rule of the MNF only the leaders (including in the rural areas) benefited financially but not the poor masses. The MNF ignored the masses and paid heavily for this policy. The Congress could convince the voters that it would bring a change. The verdict against the MNF was so strong that Chief Minister Zoramthanga lost in both the seats he contested. This shows the frastration of the people agaisnt his rule and leadership during the 10-year MNF regime.

NLUP card: The Congress played the NLUP card by promising 1 lakh rupees of financial assistance under NLUP scheme for socio-economic development. General voters, especially in the rural areas do “recognize” money and they want some piece of concrete assurance from the political parties. The MNF had nothing new to offer.

Minority factor: The minorites – Chakmas and Brus - are traditional supporters of the Congress Party. They do not determine so mcuh in the government formation but has a critical role to play in at least five constituencies. The Congress continue to charm them.

Sunday, September 14, 2008

Mizoram needs an English news website

By - Paritosh Chakma

The one thing which I miss very dearly each day is the absence of English news website from Mizoram to keep myself abreast with the happenings of the state on daily basis.

An online newspaper will enable people of Mizoram have access to daily news of the state even though they may be staying outside the state, for example the students.

In the age of information technology, it is really regrettable, more so given the fact that all other six North Eastern states - Arunachal Pradesh (Arunachal Times, http://www.arunachaltimes.com/), Tripura (http://www.tripurainfo.in/), Meghalaya (The Shillong Times, http://www.theshillongtimes.com/), Nagland (http://www.nagalandpost.com/), and Manipur (http://www.kanglaonline.com/) have online version of their state newspapers, not to speak of Assam which has many of them.

There are at least three English newspapers published from Aizawl – Newslink, The Aizol Times, and the Highlander, and dozens of Mizo dailies, weeklies and even monthlies but they do not have webistes. I know only Vanglaini maintaining a good website http://vanglaini.org/ but I do not understand Mizo so well. Hence, that does not help me.

I must thank to http://zawlbuk.net/ which provides links to “Newslink”. But the links are not regularly updated and sometimes do not cover Newslink daily for a series of days. I must confess that I anxiously keep awaiting such daily updates and I shall be happy if http://zawlbuk.net/ can provide the Newslink news update on daily basis without a miss.

I have been subscribing to the Newslink by post but it takes a long time to reach me. The news get old. But regrettably, even the Newslink fail to cover enough news from rural corners of the state, particularly the social problems.

The Newslink has been the only English daily to have successfully run a website for some time, first in the form of http://www.zoram.com/ and then had its own webpage (I forget the exact link). Another English paper, “Aizol Times” had one http://www.aizoltimes.com/ but the link now shows “this account has been suspended”.

All these news dailies must be facing financial problems to even retain their domain and update them which needs manpower. So, the state government of Mizoram must come forward to help the dailies run their websites successfully and provide sufficient funds for that purpose.

The Young Mizo Association (YMA), the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) and the Mizoram Journalists’ Association (MJA) must extend a demand to the government of Mizoram in this regard.

If Mizoram, which is the second most literate state in India, cannot afford to have a news website, it reflects negatively on the state. Also, it is in the interest of all the people of Mizoram, in particular the intellectuals and students who need to be updated on daily basis about the latest happenings in the state.

Thursday, September 4, 2008

Victims of Barbed wire: Chakmas of Mizoram being denied compensation and justice

By- Paritosh Chakma
reporting from Indo-Bangladesh border areas, Mizoram

The ongoing India-Bangladesh Border Fencing Project will displace a total of 5,790 Chakma families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages in Mizoram– representing 49.7% of the state’s Chakma population (71,283 as per Census 2001).

When 49.7% of a community’s people are being affected it can be rightly considered a grave situation and needed urgent attention.

But nothing such thing called “attention” has been given to the affected Chakmas anywhere along the fencing line by the administration.

The fencing of the 318 km Mizoram-Bangladesh international border is being carried out by four public sector construction companies - National Building Construction Corporation Ltd. (NBCC), Border Roads Organization (BRO), Engineering Projects India Limited (EPIL) and National Projects Construction Corporation Ltd (NPCC). In the very beginning, the Chakmas had complained of non-compliance of the guidelines of the Ministry of Home Affairs by these four construction companies while carrying out the fencing alignment and works.

Despite of the alarming situation, no Central team surveyed the area to take stock of the problems of the victims. The state officials did not visit most of the affected villages.

Instead, the state officials and the engineers of the four construction companies have been busy exploiting the situation, to gain the most out of the chaotic situation prevailing in many villages as the villagers (who have never faced such a situation) do not know what to do in order to get proper compensation on time.

They have been helpless and desperate.

In March 2008, a tribal rights NGO based in Delhi filed a complaint with the NHRC against the non-delivery of compensation to the victims and sought an investigation into it.

After the NHRC issued a notice, the District Commissioner of Lunglei has coerced the Village Council members of the Chakma affected villages within the district to provide in writing a letter withdrawing the complaint.

On the other hand, the situation of the victims did not improve, as in many villages they did not get any compensation as yet.When the victims are facing insurmountable problems while getting the basic compensation, what will happen to them with regard to rehabilitation?

What the local authorities of the state government and the constructing companies are interested is how best to get fatter through corruption and mismanagement of the funds awarded by the Central government as compensation to the victims.
(The writer can be contacted at pchakma@gmail.com)

For further information, read http://paritosh-chakma.blogspot.com/2008/02/india-bangladesh-border-fencing-in.html

Thursday, July 31, 2008

Praise the verdict!!!!

In July 2008, Lunglei Additional District Magistrate (Judicial) K L Liana convicted Mr Thanthuama, President of Young Mizo Association, Phairuangkai branch (Lunglei district, Mizoram), of raping a Chakma woman at his residence in 2005. (Rapist convict, Newslink, Aizawl, 22 July 2008)

On the night of 15 May 2005, Mr Thanthuama raped a 26-year-old Chakma woman after YMA members found 32 cakes of yeast used for making country liquor during a raid at her jhum hut. Instead of handing over the victim to the police, the accused took her to his home in the pretext of investigation. He forced her to cook food in the evening and raped her at night. Later, after his arrest, the accused confessed to raping the victim before the Lunglei police. (Branch YMA leader confesses to rape, The Newslink, Aizawl, 24 May 2005)

I hail the verdict.

After I came to know of the incident through the Newslink newspaper in May 2005, I was extremely sad that such thing should happen to a poor woman. In Mizoram, selling of liquor is totally banned. But the law should take its own course and a woman should not be raped for allegedly selling or manufacturing country liquor as punishment. More, I was skeptical whether the accused would be brought to justice as he held a post with very powerful Young Mizo Association and the victim belonged to a minority community. But today, my conviction in the fairness of the Indian judiciary has been strengthened as the rapist stands convicted in the court of law.

A rapist must be punished severely and despised by the society for his inhuman act. But I could not know about the sentence.

In the Chakma hinterland in Mizoram, people just wait for Death

By: Paritosh Chakma

The death of 19 persons due to malaria in one month (June-July 2008) in the Chakma dominated village of Marpara in western Mizoram is shockingly disturbing. More shocking is the fact that 15 of them were children. This is only the official figure of the deaths; the unofficial toll is higher. I have been informed that in neighboring Silsury, also a Chakma village under Mamit district, as many as 30-40 persons, if not more, died in June and July 2008 but there has been no official documentation of the deaths. Importantly again, the majority of the deaths were children.

These deaths are only the tip of the iceberg. The larger problem is that the entire western belt of Mizoram inhabited by the minority ethnic Chakmas does not have any semblance of healthcare system.

Yet, the state government does not seem to be at all concerned.

a. Deaths in election year

It seems lives in this part of the planet are considered so less valuable that even high number of unnatural deaths are not officially recorded or reported.

This is not the first time that such a high number of deaths have taken place in a Chakma village in a given year. But this is certainly the first time in the recent memory that the figure has been officially reported and accepted. Every year dozens of Chakmas die of malaria and other “unknown” diseases but get no attention from the government, let alone medical aid.

But 19 deaths in a village within a month in an election year have knocked the sleep off the Mizo National Front government which immediately dispatched a medical team to Marpara and Silsury to take the situation under control. The team reportedly tested blood samples and distributed medicines and mosquito nets. Although I hugely appreciate the wisdom of the Zoramthanga government to send a medical team, I ask - why do politicians act only in times of elections? The mosquito nets and malaria pills were very much necessary throughout the whole year, in particular during the monsoon, but the authorities distributed them to the poor people only after some deaths have been reported. Is it merely a face saving formula and not a genuine effort to contain malaria, the most dreaded disease in the state?

b. Absence of healthcare facilities in Chakma areas

Any genuine effort to combat malaria, or for that matter any other disease, must be holistic. Ad hoc and temporary medical teams are not sufficient to meet the challenges created due to absolute vacuum of healthcare services in the entire western belt of the state. For decades, the healthcare system in the Chakma areas in the western belt has been neglected.

Although Mizoram is one of the 18 “high focus states” in the National Rural Health Mission (2005-2012), the basic healthcare facility is yet to reach the Chakma areas of Mizoram. The goal of the NRHM “to improve the availability of and access to quality healthcare by people, especially for those residing in rural areas, the poor, women and children” is still an unrealistic dream for the entire Chakma population. Forget about the “availability of and access to quality healthcare”, the Chakma villagers are not fortunate even to know the name of the disease which took away the lives of their beloved. While malaria is a household name, other deaths are often attributed to “unknown” diseases. In this age of advanced medical sciences, Chakmas of Mizoram still live in Dark Ages.

The apathy of the state government towards the welfare of the Chakmas has been the single most important factor responsible for this pathetic state of affairs.

188 km away from Aizawl, Marpara villages (I and II) have a combined population of about 2,500. Yet, there is only one Primary Health Centre – that too very ill equipped – to cater to the medical needs of the people of Marpara North and South villages and other neighboring villages like Tarabonye, Hruiduk, and Hnahva. In the PHC, there is no MBBS doctor and the wellbeing of the villagers is being looked after by a Chakma health worker who the villagers know as the “doctor”. Similarly, the Sub Centre in Silsury village (having a population of over 1,000) is being manned by a Chakma health worker. The Sub Centre is in shambles and the Mizo staffs posted in the Sub Centre have taken transfer to elsewhere.

Yet, Marpara and Silsury which are considerably large in size and populations are rated among the best of the Chakma villages in the western belt in terms of access to medical facilities and medicines. If such are the conditions of these two “best” villages, one can imagine the conditions of the other Chakma villages.

In the 21st century the lives of the Chakmas of Mizoram continue to fragilely lie at the mercy of the self trained medics and traditional herbal “doctors” (“Boddyo” in Chakma tongue) who apply their great intuition rather than medical expertise while attending a patient. Despite their lack of sufficient medical skills, these self trained medics have played critical roles in saving a number of precious lives.

In the doomed land of the Chakmas – the western belt of Mizoram – the villagers wait for Death in the absence of medical facilities and doctors. The visuals are still vivid in my mind when one day I visited a seriously sick child (aged about 4 years) in a Chakma village where there is not a single doctor. Many Boddyos (Chakma herbal doctors) were called to save the child but nothing helped. I never felt so helpless in my life as we all waited for the child to die. How we wished there were roads and cars in the village so that we immediately shifted the child to a hospital in Aizawl. In the towns and cities even a minute is crucial to save a life. But in the Chakma hinterland in Mizoram, people just wait for Death, helplessly.

It seems as if we live somewhere in the dense jungles of Africa and not in a rising nation like India. It’s an utter shame!

Yet I am surprised to see a government data of March 2007 which stated that Mizoram had 366 Sub Centres against the required 146; 57 Primary Health Centres against required 22; and 9 Community Health Centres against required 5 in the state! The same data points out that there were 39 doctors at PHCs against required 57 (that is shortfall of 18), there were 303 Heath Workers against required 366 (that is shortfall of 63); but surprisingly no shortfall of Health Assistants (both male and female).

If there is no shortfall, then why there is no medical staffs (health assistants) in Chakma villages, say in Silsury village which has only a health worker at the Sub Centre looking after for over 1,000 villagers?

If there are more than required Sub Centres, as the government has claimed, why is that there is no Sub Centre in Chakma villages including Tarabonye, Hnahva and Hruiduk under Mamit district?

c. Chakmas - victims of state apathy

That the Chakmas have been victims of state apathy is beyond doubt. But whenever the Chakmas level charges of discrimination, denial and apathy against the state government, Aizawl tends to dismiss those charges by giving the impression that they are enjoying self rule under the Chakma Autonomous District Council (CADC) in Lawngtlai district and hence the state government is not to be blamed for their miserable socio-economic and health conditions. But Aizawl will never stress the fact that out of total of about 100,000 Chakmas, about 50% live in areas (particularly under Lunglei and Mamit districts) falling outside the jurisdiction of CADC and they are the most discriminated lot. They are the poorest and most illiterate. Majority of the Chakmas living outside the CADC live in tattered bamboo houses. Their living conditions are shabby and unhygienic which make them most vulnerable to diseases.

In absence of health centres/medical staff in the rural areas, the poor who cannot go to Aizawl for treatment are most likely to die if the self trained medics and Chakma “Boddyos” raise their hands in surrender. It is nothing sort of miracle that some still survive.

The situation is more aggravated due to lack of proper transport system connecting the villages to hospitals.

Yet still, the Chakmas continue to be at the mercy of a section of the hardliners in the society who scrupulously try to block roads to meet their political ends. In the first week of April 2008, there was a blockade against the Chakmas of Marpara, Silsury, Hnahva, Hruiduk and Tarabonye at Mizo village Pukzing by the Pukzing villagers who were protesting against some old demarcation of village boundaries. While the fight ought to have been against the government which is responsible for official demarcation of village council boundaries, the Mizos of Pukzing chose to vent their ire on the most vulnerable – the Chakmas. The blockade called “the Chakma blockade” was intended to be “indefinite” but the protestors were forced by the district officials to withdraw after the second day as it was illegal and immoral. The socalled blockade was informed only through the press but since newspapers do not reach the Chakma villages, the Chakmas were caught unawares. On the first day of the blockade, no Chakma was allowed to pass through Pukzing, the only point of transit for the Chakma villagers to the outside world. The Chakmas traveling on the Mizoram State Transport bus from Marpara to Aizawl were forced to get off and threatened with violence if they did not return home. Despite repeated pleas, even the ailing Chakmas, old men, and pregnant women were not allowed to go with the bus but had to walk on foot back to Marpara which is more than 20 kms away from Pukzing.

The Chakmas faced all the problems for no fault of theirs but authorities failed to take any action against those responsible for imposing a blockade against a minority community which is “racial, communal, illegal and unconstitutional”. The incident was unprecedented and will remain a blot in the social history of Mizoram.

d. Final words

The government of Mizoram cannot remain a blind or silent spectator to the problems facing the minority Chakmas. The Chakmas’ right to enjoy “the highest attainable standards of physical and mental health”, among others, must be ensured as best as possible.

Aizawl must not act only in times of elections but every time and all the time to ensure that not a single precious live is lost due to curable diseases or during child birth. Apart from sending regular medical teams to the rural areas, the state government must put in place permanent structures – health centres, doctors and adequate and regular supply of essential quality drugs must be ensured in every village.

As a short term and effective measure, the government of Mizoram can identify the self trained medics (who otherwise do not have academic qualification to practice medicine) and provide them necessary training and facilities at the expense of the public exchequer to enhance their medical knowledge and expertise to deal with the most common diseases in the rural areas such as malaria, typhoid, jaundice etc. This is the best immediate step the state government can take in the absence of doctors, health centres and medical staff in the rural areas.

However, the long term approaches should be to facilitate Chakma students from Mizoram who aspire to pursue medical courses by providing them financial assistance including scholarships.

Making all government doctors compulsorily serve in rural areas, including Chakma areas for at least five years each is also not a bad idea. This could help overcome the lack of doctors in remote rural areas.

Friday, July 4, 2008

Howzattt!!! A Chakma cricket match in Delhi

The other day I got a visit from two of my friends wanting to know if I was willing to play a cricket match against the Chakma team from Naraina.

I agreed to play if my neck allowed me (I was having pain in the neck due to wrong sleeping posture).

Sunday, the 29th June 2008 came. I was waiting for a phone call from my friend Tejang to know if the match would be held. Till 7-30 in the morning, he did not ring me. And I thought the match must have stood cancelled due to lack of players till I got another call from him ten minutes later.

We reached the play ground, a park in Janakpuri where the Chakma boys were already practicing. I saw three other teams playing on their own pitches. No one fought for space.

The game was about to begin. The players were counted. No team could not bring 11 each. The Naraina team was one short, and we were one more. So we generously lent Mukul, who is a good player to the opposition team. We made 8 in each team.

Each inning was decided at 15 overs.

The coin was tossed and our team was asked to bat first. To my surprise, I was asked to open. I murmured a few words saying to myself I had no experience to bat first.

I have not played cricket for the last five years which stole the practice out of me. In school, I had played the game. Occasionally, we also used to take the field in the village (when I went during long holidays after end of examinations).

Yet, I think I did fairly well hitting the ball off the fence at least two times. I also picked up some singles. But mostly my bat was missing the ball due to lack of practice.

Many players of my team did wonderfully with the bat. Tejang scored most individual runs with several master strokes.

We set a target of 121 before the opposition at the end of 15 overs.

The opposition made a bad start but they managed to recover in the end when they made most of the runs. At a point of time, we thought they were going to win until the last wicket fell. The wicket keeper caught my good friend Ranjoy behind the stumps and appealed for his dismissal. The bowler and other players appealed too. It seemed the ball hit the bat by a fraction. But there was no third empire or a possibility of a reply. It could have been a controversial dismissal, but Ranjay, a gentleman that he is, nodded his head in approval even before the empire pronounced his decision.

The opposition were short of 4 runs.

We celebrated our win. Took a rest. The opposition captain handed over the prize money (Match fee of Rs 50 by each player) to our captain. All of us held a discussion regarding the modalities for holding another match. Another cricket match was fixed.

We shook hands and departed.

The winning team (we also brought “our man” Mukul with us) gathered in a room. It’s time for celebration.

In the celebration room, captain Victor handed over the man of the match trophy (a bottle of beer Haywards 50000) to Tejang and everybody cheered for him. As a show of kind gesture to me, I was given the second beer bottle, my trophy as best debutant, although no such trophy might have existed in the game of cricket.

In the glee, we discussed how our bowling was awfully bad. 30% of the total runs were conceded by our bowlers through wide and no balls.

But no one criticized anyone. It was a game played simply to derive fun.

The Chakmas are a small, marginalized community in this planet. The losing side had not the slight feeling of dejection. It was partly because everybody of us was silently aware of the social importance attached to a cricket match such as this one.

Personally, I derived the greatest satisfaction although the next day my entire body was aching. Many cricket matches have been played by the Chakmas in Delhi grounds but this was the first time I participated.

Thursday, June 26, 2008

In defence of the Inner Line Permit system in Mizoram

The Shillong Times, 26 June 2008 (http://www.theshillongtimes.com/editorial.html)

By: Paritosh Chakma

This article is in defence of the Inner Line Permit regulations in Mizoram in the wake of the recent Gauhati High Court judgement that Mizoram government should not arrest or deport any body for not having valid inner line permit (ILP). I was aghast to hear the judgement. What are the police expected to do if not arrest an "illegal outsider"? The Court's order has definitely provided impunity to all those staying on in the state without the valid papers. Illegal outsiders can pose serious threats to the peace and security of the state.

The government of Mizoram has announced that it would challenge the High Court order "up to the Supreme Court".

If there is a law in place, all must abide by it and defaulters must be punished. The legal formalities under the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation Act of 1873 require any Indian Citizen who is not a resident of Mizoram to have an Inner Line Pass to enter the state. Two other North Eastern states - Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh also have the ILP system.

Foreigners touring North East India are required to obtain Restricted Area Permit from the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Most mainland Indians and non-tribals of the N-E region oppose the ILP system on the ground that restrictions violate the fundamental rights of the citizens of India including the right to free movement throughout the country and to take up employment. But everyone must understand that the Inner Line Permit is a "protective discrimination" for the indigenous populations of the states of Mizoram, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh, introduced by the British to protect the indigenous populations from the onslaught of "the outsiders" and has been retained in Independent India.

The ILP's aim is not to harass or prevent entry of non-Mizo Indian nationals per se but to secure the future of the natives by protecting the sanctity of their socio-cultural rights, preventing demographic upheaval leading to invasion of their political bastion by the "outsiders" which has been the case with Tripura. Due to the large-scale influx from Bangladesh, the indigenous peoples of Tripura have been reduced to minority. The defeat of another North Eastern state - Assam - in identifying and deporting millions of illegal Bangladeshis is also known to all of us.

The guidelines for enforcement of the Inner Line Regulation in Mizoram notified on 8.9.2006 clearly state that the visitors must not be harassed at the check gates: "Therefore, the method of checking should be as simple as possible, yet effective so that no one who is required to possess an Inner Line Pass, enters without a pass".

Protecting the natives from influx and demographic invasion by "outsiders" was one of the top priorities in the minds of the Mizo leaders when they demanded statehood. Thus, the Mizoram Accord of 1986 between the Mizo National Front and the government of India provides that "The Inner Line Regulation, now in force in Mizoram, will not be amended or repealed without consulting the State Government." It would have been far better had MNF supremo Mr Laldenga stressed for insertion of the word "consent" in place of "consulting", for "consultation" is not always equal to obtaining "consent" of a party. "Consent" requires the approval of the concerned party who has the right to say "no".

Issuing of ILPs is "subject to availability of a sponsor who is a bonafide indigenous resident (of Mizoram)" and their renewal or extension is allowed "subject to the good conduct of the ILP holder that he/she is not involved in any criminal activity". Hence, it is clear that the system seeks to be an effective mechanism to check illegal infiltration of "outsiders" and their illegal activities in Mizoram.

The ILP's aim is not to harass or prevent entry of non-Mizo Indian nationals per se but to secure the future of the natives by protecting the sanctity of their socio-cultural rights, preventing demographic upheaval leading to invasion of their political bastion by the "outsiders" which has been the case with Tripura. Due to the large-scale influx from Bangladesh, the indigenous peoples of Tripura have been reduced to minority. The defeat of another North Eastern state - Assam - in identifying and deporting millions of illegal Bangladeshis is also known to all of us.

Land is the most important source of livelihood and critical for our survival. Yet, the tribals have been losing their lands to the non-tribals across the country despite presence of various legal safeguards. The Constitution of India under the 5th Schedule protects the land rights of the tribals in mainland India. In the North East India, the 6th Schedule of the Constitution authorizes the Autonomous District Councils to make appropriate laws against land alienation. In addition, at the state level, there are numerous laws prohibiting transfer of lands from indigenous/ tribal peoples to "non-tribals". But the non-tribals have been successful in taking control of the lands belonging to the tribals by adopting various tricks including fraudulent means, marrying tribal women, harassment through police and goons, in addition to purchasing although transfer of tribal lands to non-tribals is illegal.

According to the 2007-2008 Annual Report of the Ministry of Rural Development, a total of 506,307 cases of tribal land alienation have been registered (involving 902,417 acres of land) in India so far. The statistics provided in the report further proves that the tribals have been losing their legal battles in the Courts to recover their lands. Out of the total of 430,450 cases (involving 851,372 acres of land) disposed of by the Courts in the country, 46.1% (198,674 cases involving 410,587 acres of land) were decided against the tribals which means the tribal victims could not get back their lands. Lack of proper legal documents proving ownership of the land and inability to hire good lawyers to fight the cases in Court often acted against the tribals while seeking to restore the alienated land.

There has been no report of any alienation of tribal lands in Mizoram and the state government too has not released any such data. The Inner Line Permit regulation has been instrumental in averting such illegal activities by non-locals. On 1 April 2008, Mizoram Home Minister Mr Tawnluia informed the State Assembly that 22 Bangladeshis who entered the state illegally were arrested and deported to Bangladesh during 2007-2008.

In order to protect the interests of the indigenous peoples of Mizoram, it is extremely necessary that the Inner Line Permit system is strictly enforced. But ILP is not enforced strictly. For example, every non-Mizo resident passenger is asked to produce ILP during entry at the check gate at Vairangte, but I have not seen the law enforcement personnel checking the validity of the ILP of the persons during exit. If police do not check the ILP validity during exit, it means any ILP holder can overstay in the state without the fear of being caught and prosecuted for the crime. At the same time, it is equally important that no bonafide citizen of India, irrespective of caste, creed, sex, colour or religion, or any foreigner having entered the state for valid purposes with valid papers should be harassed in any way. In order to detect illegal outsiders, the police have been entrusted with the duty to conduct "surprise checks" in every district at least once in a month. However, due to the failure of the police to do so, there have been reports of raids conducted by non-state actors to identify the alleged illegal outsiders. Such acts, though done while keeping in mind the interests of the state, are absolutely illegal and uncalled for. This will further create a deep sense of fear among the non-locals including tourists which is not in the wholesome interest of the state.

It is everyone's duty to uphold the human rights of ALL while enforcing the laws of the land.

Wednesday, June 18, 2008

Mr Gyanendra: From the Vishnu avator to a commoner

So, the monarchy has been abolished in Nepal. The socalled last Hindu king of the world has to vacate his palace and hand over his crown to the government to live as a plain citizen. He will have to learn to live in a political system where the rulers are no longer considered “the God in the Flesh” or “Vishnu avatar” but their fate are decided through the ballots.

Nepal is now a secular democratic republic. I feel good for the Nepali people. Gyanendra, the King, had become an absolute despot and had no interest in the welfare of the ruled. The future of the Nepalis was to be more frightening and insecure under crown prince Paras who was a drug addict, alcoholic, womanizer and had all qualities which are not befitting a king. He had beaten innocent people on the streets.

The people of Nepal must be commended for their unity and valour during the Peoples Movement II to overthrow the absolute despotic ruler. They have succeeded.

Apart from victory of the democratic spirit of the Nepalis, the socalled Bishnu avator stands exposed to the people. King Gyanendra, once considered the God in the Flesh, has become plain old Mr Gyanendra.

We must understand that in the modern world, it is not God’s divine policy but politics and diplomacy that make, remake and sustain governments in whatever forms they are. Vir Sanghvi has rightly pointed out - “But all this Vishnu avatar stuff hides a seamier reality. In many ways, the modern Nepal monarchy is not a creation of Brahma, Vishnu or Mahesh at all. It is a creation of New Delhi’s South Block.”

With the fall of the last Hindu king, the worst losers are the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangha (RSS) who took immense pride in Nepal as a model Hindu rashtra. Now, the former King of Nepal will have to fight it out in the streets – with folded hands to the people he ruled with brutal hands and merciless heart, if he wants to remain a ruler or a player in the government. This is what he is most unlike to do. Ramchandra Guha, eminent Historian suggests a strange formula to give respect the last king of Nepal deserves from the Hindus. He says ".............the now homeless, jobless, commoner carrying the name of Gyanendra can be invited to Nagpur to assume a honoured place among the men who presume to lead the Hindus of the world.”

Nepal has taught many other societies of the world - where rulers assume divine roles to rule the people for ever - to rethink whether such rulers do really have the sanction of God to rule the people the way they like to. If not, why should we allow them to fool us and rob us?

Friday, March 14, 2008

Bangladesh: Army moves to restrict Buddhism

On 21 February 2008, the Bangladesh army issued an order asking the village chiefs to submit details about the Buddhist temples including the temple lands, names of the monks and members of the temple management committees in Khagrachari district of the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

The notice issued by the commander of Shontila army camp at Pujgang under Panchari police station of Khagrachari district states, “It is hereby notified that all the Headmen and village chiefs under the jurisdiction of Shontila camp are requested to appear in the camp on the 22nd of February 2008, by 8 a.m” and provide information about all the temples.

The latest action undertaken the army is in clear violations of the fundamental right to freedom of religion. It is basically to restrict religious freedom of the Buddhists and to harass and intimidate the monks and the Buddhist followers.

Wednesday, February 27, 2008

BANGLADESH: Renewed efforts to settle Muslim plain settlers on the lands of the indigenous peoples in CHTs

New Delhi, 27 February 2008

According to the latest information received from Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, the Bangaldesh army has renewed its efforts to settle illegal Muslim settler families from the plains on the lands of the indigenous peoples in CHTs.

On 7 February 2008, Dui Tila army camp commander Subedar Mohammad Malek called a meeting with five Jumma elders and three Bengali setters at his camp. In the meeting, Subedar Malek told the Jumma elders that they must allow settlement of about 50 illegal Bengali settler families at Tin Tila area under Baghaichari Upazilla of Rangamati district.

The three Bengali settlers suggested at the meeting that all the lands of Tin Tila are Khas (government) land and so they should be allowed to settle down! This is very funny to suggest that the indigenous peoples who have been living on their lands for centuries do not own their lands.

But Subedar Malek served his diktat on the Jumma peoples and warned the Jummas that: “If the settlers face any troubles (with the settlement), you and all the Pahari people (of the area) will be held responsible for that”. In the unspoken words, it means that the army will take military action against any Jumma who did not allow settlement of the illegal settlers.

The army commander also ordered nine Jumma indigenous villagers to leave their homes to make way for the illegal settlement. They are Gongotya Chakma (45) of Betagichara village, Banshi Chakma (40) of village Betagichara, Sambhulal Chakma (50) of village Betagichara, Kishor Chakma (35) of village Betagichara, Chikondhan Chakma (35) of village Hazachara, Kanti Chakma (35) of village Hazachara, Kishtojoy Chakma (35) of village Hazachara, Kalomoni Chakma (35) of village Moghban and Purnadarshi Chakma (45) of village Tintila.

In a separate incident, on 17 February 2008, the army personnel from Kiang-ghat camp in Khagrachari did not allow the Buddhists to carry out uplift work at Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir, a Buddhist temple. The army personnel have been deployed at the Kuthir area since January 3 to harass Buddhist Jummas and prevent any kind of construction works. On 17 February 2008, army personnel also did not allow one Pabullya Chakma, son of late Chigono Chakma to build a house on his own land at Karallyachari village, about half a kilometer from Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir.

In addition to land grabbing and obstruction to religious rights of the Jummas, the army personnel have been engaged in other gross human rights violations such as torture and arbitrary arrest and detention in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

On 23 February 2008, three Jumma indigenous villagers were tortured by Bangladesh army at Tulaban village in Baghaichari Upazila under Rangamati district, CHTs. The army from Korengatoli camp raided Tulaban village and tortured Shankar Chakma (30), son of Melallya Chakma, Manek Bosu Chakma (25), son of Bindu Lal Chakma and Mongol Kusum Chakma (30), son of Dhan Chan Chakma when they stated ignorance about the killer/s of one Tapan Chakma, a member of the JSS (reformist) group who was killed on 22 February 2008.

Earlier, on the midnight of 11 February 2008, a group of army personnel arrested Horidhar Chakma from his home at Harangi Mukh Para, Kawkghali in Rangamti district of CHTs and took him to the Ghagra zone headquarters. He was illegally detained at the army camp for three days before he was released.

Chakma village threatens agitation against NBCC, The Sentinel, Assam, 27 February 2008

(www.sentinelassam.com)

AIZAWL, Feb 26: The Chakmas have threatened to launch agitation against the National Building Construction Corporation Ltd (NBCC) by blocking roads and fencing works if the NBCC fails to abide by the agreement signed with the aggrieved Chakma tribals at Silsury village in Mamit district of Mizoram, stated a press release. According to the terms of the agreement NBCC promised to release the second phase of compensation to the families affected by the ongoing India-Bangladesh border fencing project on or before March 15 2008. The Agreement was reached between the Compensation Demand Committee, Silsury and BR Sharma, Additional General Manager (Engineering), NBCC, Mizoram.
“The second phase of compensation should have been paid much earlier. But the NBCC has been willfully delaying compensation for its own gain at the cost of the affected families who are very poor” stated president of the Committee Maya Ranjan Chakma.
“There is no reason as to why there should be such resentment against the Border Fencing Project if the quality of lives of the displaced peoples who gave their lands for the national interest were to improve. Our concerns are valid and deserve recognition from the Governments of India and Mizoram and the NBCC,” Chakma stated further.
The Government of India has been constructing fencing along the 318 km-long India-Bangladesh border stretch in Mizoram which will displace 5,790 Chakmatribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages. The NBCC has been fencing the major portion of the border.

Tuesday, February 26, 2008

India-Bangladesh Border Fencing: Who will fix responsibility?

[Note: This press release has been issued by the Compensation Demand Committee, Silusry, Mizoram.]

Compensation Demand Committee, Silsury
Headquarters: Silsury village, BPO-Silsury,
Mamit district, Mizoram-796431, IND
IA

Press Release

26 February 2008

Another Chakma village threatens agitation against NBCC

Aizawl [Mizoram]: On 25 February 2008, the National Building Construction Corporation Ltd (NBCC) signed an Agreement with the aggrieved Chakma tribals at Silsury village in Mamit district of Mizoram and promised to release the second phase of compensation to the families affected by the ongoing India-Bangladesh border fencing project on or before 15th March 2008.

The Agreement was reached between the Compensation Demand Committee, Silsury and Mr B R Sharma, Additional General Manager (Engg), NBCC, Mizoram.

The second phase of compensation should have been paid much earlier. But the NBCC has been willfully delaying compensation for its own gain at the cost of the affected families who are very poor” – stated President of the Committee Mr Maya Ranjan Chakma.

There is no reason as to why there should be such resentment against the Border Fencing Project if the quality of lives of the displaced peoples who gave their lands for the national interest were to improve. Our concerns are valid and deserve recognition from the governments of India and Mizoram and the NBCC”, Mr Chakma stated further.

The Chakmas have threatened to launch agitation against the NBCC by blocking roads and fencing works if the NBCC fails to abide by the Agreement.

The government of India has been constructing fencing along the 318 km-long India-Bangladesh border stretch in Mizoram which will displace 5,790 Chakma tribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages. The NBCC has been fencing the major portion of the border. [Ends]

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Also, please read - India-Bangladesh border fencing in Mizoram sector: Blatant rights abuses by the NBCC

Displaced Chakmas protest NBCC border fencing

Of fencing and injustice

Saturday, February 23, 2008

Racism thrives in Bhutan: Bad news for India

By: Paritosh Chakma

Bhutan is at the threshold of democracy as it is going to hold the general elections on 24 March 2008. But it has so far refused to shed its racist character and racist policies. Under the wraps of the Sangrila image, Bhutan has been practicing a policy of ethnic cleansing against the ethnic Nepali community of Southern Bhutan, who are also known as the Lothsampas.

The image of this tiny Himalayan kingdom to be a resort of peace and harmony was shaken by a series of bomb explosions including one in capital Thimphu on 20 January 2008 which was followed by another small intensity explosion in the southern district of Samtse on 4 February 2008. The blasts were too weak to cause major damages but the disgruntled groups have been able to deliver their message. United Revolutionary Front of Bhutan, a newly formed armed group fighting for the rights of the exiled ethnic Nepalis, claimed responsibility for the February 4th blast and warned of more such attacks if the first ever general election of Bhutan to be held on 24 March 2008 are not cancelled. The ethnic Nepalis have been demanding including of all the Bhutanese citizens including the refugees in the voters’ list.

In early 1990s, hundreds of Lothsampas were expelled from Bhutan for rising against the king demanding democracy and fair treatment. Presently, they are over 1,08,000 refugees being sheltered in seven United Nations-managed refugee camps in eastern Nepal. In June 2003, Bhutan agreed to classify the refugees into four categories: Category 1- Bonafide Bhutanese who had been evicted forcefully; Category 2 - Bhutanese who migrated on their own; Category 3 - Non-Bhutanese; and Category 4 - Bhutanese who have committed criminal acts. Bhutan agreed to accept the refugees of Categories 1 and 2. Out of the total refugee population of 12,183 at Khudunabari camp which was verified, the Joint Verification Team of Nepal and Bhutan found 293 persons of 74 families under Category 1; 8,595 persons of 2182 families under Category 2; 2,948 persons of 817 families under Category 3; and 347 persons of 85 families under Category 4. But Bhutan refused to honour its own findings and did not take back any refugee till date.

Bhutan is the only other country in South Asia, besides Bangladesh, which practices a systematic policy of ethnic cleansing against the ethnic minority although there is no internal armed conflict there. In the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, the indigenous Jhumma peoples face systematic persecution from the illegal Bengali settlers and the military and the Bangladesh government provides free ration to the illegal Bengali settlers to sustain the conflict.

The failure of the international community to pressurize Bhutan to take back the refugees has over the years encouraged the Bhutanese government to make the condition of the remaining Lothsampas untenable to force them to denounce their citizenships or discreetly leave Bhutan. The government of Bhutan has been effectively denying the ethnic Nepalis the fundamental right to acquire education and employment or other government services by refusing to issue No Objection Certificate (NOC) to the relatives of the refugees and those who had allegedly supported the pro-democracy demonstrations.

Although the last king had famously put Gross National Happiness above the Gross Domestic Product, he failed to keep a large section of minorities including the ethnic Nepalis who are largely Hindus and the Christians happy. He never treated them at par with the Drukpas.

Any dissent is considered as anti-national. The innocent ethnic Nepalis have been targeted in the name of controlling anti-national activities. At least 39 persons of Nepali origin people including school students were arrested by the Royal Bhutan Police in Samtse district on the charges of being members of Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) from 25 May – 19 June 2007. The arrested persons included women as well as children as young as 3 years old. In December 2007, the Samtse district court sentenced 30 of them to jail terms ranging from five to nine years under the National Security Act of Bhutan, 1992 and the Penal Code of Bhutan, 2004. The whereabouts of 9 others were not known after their arrests. The convicted persons were allegedly denied access to fair trial. Bhutan does not have an independent judiciary.

According to Human Rights Organization of Bhutan (HUROB), four cadres of Bhutan Communist Party Marxist Leninist and Maoist (BCP-MLM), who were Nepali-speaking Bhutanese were allegedly brutally killed by the Royal Bhutan Police in February 2008 and another eight persons have been arrested. The status of the arrested persons is not known.

The United States has proposed to resettle over 60,000 Bhutanese refugees in the US. While this is a welcome step, the proposal has also generated much debate as to whether it would mean providing the Bhutanese government a feeling that it could do without taking back its citizens who wouldn’t be accepted for third country resettlement or even expelling some more in the hope that some other countries will be willing to accept them. Indeed, before taking up any third country resettlement programme the international community must obtain a written assurance from the government of Bhutan to take back the remaining refugees with all the respect they deserve.

The 2005 census of Bhutan has already identified about 80,000 persons as “foreigners” out of total population of 634,972. Majority of these “foreigners” are said to be ethnic Nepalis. In December 2005, the Association of Press Freedom Activists of Bhutan alleged that the government of Bhutan resettled people from the ruling community on the lands of the ethnic Nepali refugees in Dagana, Punakha, Samdrup Jongkhar, Sarpang, Samtse and Tsirang.

While Bhutan is going to script history by holding its first ever general elections to elect the Lower House of Parliament on 24 March 2008, hundreds of ethnic Nepalis of Bhutan have been allegedly denied Voter Photo Identity Cards for not having No Objection Certificate (NOC) from the police. Indeed, any elections must be inclusive and fair to be deemed as legitimate and acceptable by the international community.

Only two parties - Druk Phuensum Tshogpa headed by former Home Minister Jigmi Y Thinley and People’s Democratic Party headed by former Prime Minister Sangay Ngedup – both of them are very close to the palace – have been allowed to contest the historic elections. Whichever party comes to power and rule Bhutan will oppose the repatriation of the Bhutanese refugees from Nepal as a policy.

Although the people will be given the right to have their say, the King will remain all-powerful. Bhutan’s draft constitution is nothing more than a replica of the condemned 1998 Constitution of Maldives. Today, President of Maldives, Maumoon Abdul Gayoom is Asia’s longest-serving leader and has ruled Maldives with iron hands since 1978. If the proposed Constitution of Bhutan is adopted without suitable changes, the King of Bhutan will enjoy the same powers as that of the President of Maldives and continue to rule the socalled democratic Bhutan with absolute authority in the name of the Parliament.

The United Nations International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) has made it clear that “any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere”. Yet, in a society which seeks to establish “one culture, one language”, racism is bound to flourish. Under the national law, such as the Bhutan Citizenship Act of 1985 every citizen of Bhutan is required to able to speak, read and write Dzongkha, the national language, proficiently and any body may be deprived of citizenship any time if he or she criticizes the King, Country and People of Bhutan “by act or speech” “in any manner whatsoever”. It is therefore difficult to believe that the people of Bhutan will enjoy the fruits of democracy at all, as there cannot be any independent media or democratic space to express dissent or opposition under the prevailing national law. In absence of any voice, racism will continue to thrive on without any check in Bhutan.

Presently, India is surrounded by sham democracies, dictators and military rulers. Therefore, the birth of yet another sham democracy in our neighborhood, emitting odor of racism, is certainly not a good news.

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Viewers reading this also read Bhutan: Where is real democracy?

Saturday, February 9, 2008

India-Bangladesh border fencing in Mizoram sector: Blatant rights abuses by the NBCC

[ Note: This is a Movement for Justice. For more information , write to Paritosh Chakma at pchakma@gmail.com ]


I. Background to India-Bangladesh border fencing in Mizoram

The government of India has been erecting fencing along its 4096.7 km-long border with Bangladesh running through five Indian states of West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram in order to stop infiltration, smuggling and other alleged anti-India activities from across the border.

In Mizoram, the fencing is being erected along 318 km-long international border with Bangladesh. Out of the 318 kms border from Marpara to Borapansuri which is being fenced, National Building Construction Corporation Ltd. (NBCC) has been given the major share of 147 kms while Border Roads Organization (BRO) is fencing 70 kms, Engineering Projects India Limited (EPIL) 55 kms and National Projects Construction Corporation Ltd (NPCC) 46 kms.

The border fencing has hit hard the already poverty-stricken Chakma tribals. A house to house survey conducted by Indo-Bangladesh Border Fencing Affected Families Resettlement Demand Committee (IBBFARDCOM) of Mizoram found that the fencing will displace a total of 5,790 Chakma tribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages.

Apart from loss of their immovable houses and properties, the villagers will lose already developed wet rice cultivation lands, horticulture gardens, gardens for growing vegetables and other cash crops, tree plantations of high commercial values like teak etc, community/ government assets like schools, health sub-centres, community halls, market places, places of worship, play grounds, cemetery/ grave yards, water ponds, water supply, and other government/ council office buildings, etc. The consequences of the mass displacement will be disastrous unless the government take concrete steps to provide all the facilities, including clean water supply, roads as the rivers will fall outside the fencing, markets, schools and primary health centres among others.

II. Violations by the four implementing agencies

The four implementing agencies of the border fencing – the National Building Construction Corporation Ltd. (NBCC), Border Roads Organization (BRO), Engineering Projects India Limited (EPIL) and National Projects Construction Corporation Ltd (NPCC) – have been blatantly violating the rules since day one.

These four implementing agencies refused to follow the guidelines for acquisition of the lands set by the Ministry of Home Affairs prior to construction of the fencing. In its various communications to the four implementing agencies, the Ministry of Home Affairs clearly stated that the four construction companies “shall be responsible for liaisoning with the State Government/ local authorities for acquisition of land and getting forest/ environment clearance for carrying out the fencing & related works”, and that they “shall finalize the alignment of the fencing in consultation with BSF (Border Security Forces) & DM (District Magistrate) of the area where the fencing is proposed”. But the four construction companies had started acquiring lands and erecting the fencing in their respective portions without any consultation with the tribal inhabitants or the local authorities, including the DM and the BSF.

In the beginning the Chakmas have willingly gave the lands in the interest of the country’s security and did not show any sign of protest. But as the implementing agencies began to blatantly violate the rules/ guidelines of MHA, the Chakmas under the aegis of Indo-Bangladesh Border Fencing Affected Families Resettlement Demand Committee have been demanding suspension of the border fencing project.


III. Blatant rights abuses by the NBCC

The NBCC is the only implementing agency which has failed to provide any compensation to the affected families so far. The graveness of the matter can be gauged from the fact that the NBCC is constructing fencing along147 km out of total 318 kms Mizoram border.

The verification of the affected families was completed nearly one year ago and even the list of the compensation to be paid to the affected families has reportedly been out.

The denial of compensation is a grave offence. Displacement poses the questions of survival and other rights issues. It involves right to food, education, livelihood, etc. The NBCC has also questioned the dignity of the entire Chakma community by denying any compensation. The injustice done to the fencing affected Chakmas is injustice to the entire people of Mizoram which the people of Mizoram won't tolerate.

The NBCC has failed to provide any explanation except that the Ministry of Home Affairs has not released compensation to the company to be paid to the victims. But this cannot be true. There are four implementing agencies in Mizoram and there cannot be reasons why the MHA would not have released compensation money to NBCC while it has already released compensation money to the three other implementing agencies.

IV. The Chakmas' movement

Since 13 January 2008, hundreds of Chakmas including women and children have been protesting at Marpara village near India-Bangladesh border in Lunglei district against the denial of compensation by the NBCC and halted any construction work of the NBCC.

On 18 January 2008, Mr SK Pandit, Deputy Project Manager of NBCC, Mizoram sector, signed an agreement with the protestors at Marpara to release compensation by 31 January 2008 following which the protest was temporarily suspended.

But the NBCC failed to keep its promise. The Chakmas therefore re-started their peaceful protests indefinitely and vowed not to allow any further construction of the fencing in Lunglei district by the NBCC.

On 3 February 2008, another meeting was held with NBCC officials at Marpara and a written agreement was signed between the Chakma leaders and Arun Kumar, a representative from the NBCC to provide compensation by 28 February 2008. The agreement was also signed by Officer-In-Charge of Marpara Police Station as witness. The meeting was among others attended by officials from the local Border Security Force camp and leaders of Marpara Village Council.

The Chakmas are fighting democratically for justice. They want justice to be done with them and will settle for no less. FULL compensation and PROPER rehabilitation will be the ultimate aim......>>>>

******
For other resources: please see

Of fencing and injustice

Chakmas threaten stir over border fencing

Press Release: Displaced Chakmas urged NBCC to provide compensation

Border fencing: Is Aizawl ready to wipe Chakmas’ tears?

Thursday, February 7, 2008

Of fencing and injustice

By: Paritosh Chakma

The government of India has been constructing fencing along the 318-km long stretch of Mizoram-Bangladesh border to contain any anti-India activities from the other side of the porous borders. Out of the 318 kms border from Marpara to Borapansuri which is being fenced, National Building Construction Corporation Ltd. (NBCC) has been given the major share of 147 kms while Border Roads Organization (BRO) is fencing 70 kms, Engineering Projects India Limited (EPIL) 55 kms and National Projects Construction Corporation Ltd (NPCC) 46 kms. The border fencing project will effectively uproot not less than 5,790 Chakma tribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages.

Grave injustice is being done to the affected families who belong to Chakma tribe. First, the four implementing agencies began to acquire the lands of the villagers by breaking all rules. They even did not think it necessary to follow the guidelines issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs while acquiring the lands. In its various communications to the four implementing agencies, the Ministry of Home Affairs clearly stated that the four construction companies “shall be responsible for liaisoning with the State Government/ local authorities for acquisition of land and getting forest/ environment clearance for carrying out the fencing & related works”, and that they “shall finalize the alignment of the fencing in consultation with BSF (Border Security Forces) & DM (District Magistrate) of the area where the fencing is proposed”. But the four construction companies had started acquiring lands and erecting the fencing in their respective portions without any consultation with the tribal inhabitants or the local authorities, including the DM and the BSF.

Now, the National Building Construction Corporation Ltd (NBCC) which is fencing the largest portion has refused to pay any compensation to the affected families in Lunglei district although the verification of the beneficiaries have been completed nearly one year ago.

Since 13 January 2008, the Chakmas have been peacefully protesting at Marpara village in Lunglei district demanding compensation. So far, two “written agreements” have been signed between the protestors and the NBCC officials at Marpara. The first was signed by S K Pandit, Deputy Project Manager of NBCC, Mizoram sector, on 18 January 2008 who agreed to release compensation by the end of January 2008. But the promise was not kept. When the Chakmas restarted their protest, Mr Arun Kumar from the NBCC reached another agreement on 3 February 2008 to thwart the protest. This time, the NBCC official promised to release compensation by 28 February 2008 in front of the Officer-In-Charge of Marpara Police Station and the officials from the local BSF camp.

Surprisingly, there is no accountability mechanism to fix responsibility. The officials of NBCC who met the Chakma protestors failed to provide any valid explanations as to why there has been inordinate delay in releasing the compensation while three other construction companies engaged in fencing in Mizoram namely, Engineering Projects India Limited, National Projects Construction Corporation Ltd. and Border Roads Organization have already released some compensation in their respective portions.

On 1 February 2008, Home Minister of Mizoram, Mr Tawnluia visited Marpara and met the border fencing protestors. But he too assured no help. He only provided moral support saying that protestors had the “genuine” reasons to protest.

Now it seems that the would-be-displaced Chakmas of Lunglei district have been forsaken both by the Central government and the state government of Mizoram. They have now been forgotten after they had given away their lands and properties in the interest of the country’s security. It is extremely unfortunate that they are now being asked to fend for themselves.

It is equally pathetic that the government of Mizoram has been acting as a mute spectator to the crisis. Instead, the Zoramthanga government must take a pro-active role and intervene to provide justice to the already beleaguered Chakma victims of border fencing. The NBCC headquarters which swears by its “zero tolerance for corruption” policy must immediately order an investigation for the inordinate delay in the disbursement of relief by the NBCC, Mizoram sector to the India-Bangladesh border fencing affected families in Lunglei district.

For the simple Chakma tribals it is hard to believe that they will have to see this day even after they have willingly gave away their lands for the interest of the country. However, if the demands are not met, there is every possibility that the patients of the protestors could wane due to the delay and the indifferent attitude of the officials. The Mizoram government through its gazette notification issued on 27th October 2006 (Issue No. 272) under the Land Acquisition Act had warned that “All persons interested in the said land [318 km land from Marpara to Borapansuri] are hereby warned not to obstruct or interfere with any Surveyor or other persons employed upon the said land for the purpose of the said acquisition” (Clause 3 of the notification). The ongoing protests at Marpara may well be deemed as “obstruction” or “inference” while the genuine grievances of the victims are being ignored. If that so happens and the government takes action against the peaceful protestors, it will be a black day for the people of Mizoram as a whole, as it will be a symbolic mark that injustice rules the roost in the state and finds acceptance within the cabinet.

In the meantime, the NBCC can sit at ease and forget the Chakma protestors up to the end of this month. However, it must not take for granted that the Chakmas can be fooled for yet another round by lobbing another promise which won’t be kept.

Monday, February 4, 2008

Displaced Chakmas protest NBCC border fencing

Aizawl Saturday, Feb 2 2008 IST

The Mizo Chakma tribe has accused the National Building Construction Corporation (NBCC) of failing to compensate the families affected by the Indo-Bangladesh border fencing project in Lunglei district.

The NBCC had assured the people of releasing the compensation by January 31.
In a meeting, attended by the representatives from the India-Bangladesh Border Fencing Compensation Demand Committee, Young Chakma Association, and others at Marpara recently, the Chakmas resolved not to allow any further construction there till the compensation is paid.

''NBCC has been duping us. While the Chakmas in other districts have already got some compensation, the people in Lunglei district have not received it yet. We want justice,'' Committee secretary Nihar Chakma stated.

Hundreds of Chakmas, including women and children, had been protesting against the border fencing project at Marpara since January 13, following delay in compensation.

However, on January 18, the protests were temporarily suspended after NBCC Deputy Project Manger, Mizoram sector, S K Pandit, made an agreement with the protestors at Marpara to release compensation by January end.

The NBCC had been constructing the fence along the 318-km-long Indo-Bangla border stretch in Mizoram.

The project would displace 5,790 Chakma families consisting of 35.438 people from 49 villages, according to the Indo-Bangla Border Fencing Affected Families Resettlement Demand Committee.
-- UNI

Chakmas threaten stir over border fencing

The Shillong Times, 3 February 2008
From Our Spl Correspondent

NEW DELHI: Close on the heels of tribals complaining about border fencing, Chakmas from Mizoram have threatened of agitation if compensation is not paid to them.

The Chakmas of Mizoram strongly criticised the National Building Construction Corporation (NBCC) for its alleged failure to keep its promise to release compensation to the families affected by the India-Bangladesh border-fencing project under Lunglei district. In a meeting attended by the representatives from the India-Bangladesh Border Fencing Compensation Demand Committee, Young Chakma Association, Mahila Samity, Mizoram Chakma Students Union and the Village Council here, the Chakmas adopted a strong resolution against the NBCC.

The organisations also vowed not to allow any further construction of fencing along the India-Bangladesh border in Lunglei district until compensation is provided to all the affected families.

The NBCC has failed to release the compensation money in the Lunglei district where it is engaged in the fencing, a statement said.

"We have given our lands, now we want justice to be done with us," the statement said.

Hundreds of Chakmas including women and children have been protesting against the border fencing project at Marpara since last month.

The Centre has taken up fencing along with 318 km-long stretch in Mizoram sector along the India-Bangladesh border, which will displace 5,790 Chakma tribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages.

(See link: http://www.theshillongtimes.com/a-3-feb.htm )

Thursday, January 31, 2008

Press Release: Displaced Chakmas urged NBCC to provide compensation

India-Bangladesh Border Fencing Compensation Demand Committee, Marpara
Headquarters: Marpara, PO-Marpara ‘S’, district Lunglei, Mizoram-796431
Press Release

31 January 2008


Displaced Chakmas urged NBCC to provide compensation


Marpara [Mizoram]: Today the Chakmas of Mizoram strongly criticized the National Building Construction Corporation (NBCC) for its failure to keep its promise to release compensation to the families affected by the India-Bangladesh border fencing project in Lunglei district of Mizoram by 31st January 2008. In a meeting attended by the representatives from the India-Bangladesh Border Fencing Compensation Demand Committee, Young Chakma Association, Mahila Samity, Mizoram Chakma Students Union and the Village Council here, the Chakmas adopted a strong resolution against the NBCC and vowed not to allow any further construction of fencing along the India-Bangldesh border in Lunglei district until compensation is provided to all the affected families.

“The NBCC has been duping us. While the Chakmas in other districts have already got some compensation, the NBCC has failed to release the compensation money in the Lunglei district where it is engaged in the fencing. We have given our lands, now we want justice to be done with us.” – stated Nihar Chakma, Secretary of India-Bangladesh Border Fencing Compensation Committee, Marpara.

“The NBCC must not take us lightly. We will resist and protest indefinitely till we get proper compensation. However, the protest will be peaceful and democratic”, Mr Chakma added.

Hundreds of Chakmas including women and children have been protesting against the border fencing project at Marpara since 13 January 2008 over the denial of compensation in Lunglei district. On 18 January 2008, the protests were temporarily suspended up to 31 January 2008 after S K Pandit, Deputy Project Manager of NBCC, Mizoram sector, signed an agreement with the protestors at Marpara agreeing to release compensation by the end of January.

The government of India has been construction fencing along with 318 km-long stretch in Mizoram sector along the India-Bangladesh border which will displace 5,790 Chakma tribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages. [Ends]

Wednesday, January 30, 2008

Yet another moral policing on women

It seems the honourable Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs) of Tamil Nadu have found nothing worth debating in the State Assembly that on 29 January 2008 they keenly debated on what kind of dress should women of the state wear. It highlights the manner in which the legislators might have wanted to spend their time in the Assembly House while ignoring serious matters which need serious attention.

The short dress of Tamil film actress Shriya Saran of superhit “Sivaji: The Boss” in a public function has turned to be ingredients for a sizzling debate in the Assembly House.

Some conservative MLAs of ruling ally Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) found the dress of the Tamil actress too revealing to warrant a debate in the assembly to bring a law on women dress code. The actress had on 11 January 2008 appeared in a short dress at a public function to celebrate the silver jubilee of the film.

Instead of women’s wardrobe, the legislators should discuss, among others, as to how to protect women and children from abuses and make their lives safer and happier. According to the National Crime Records Bureau of the Ministry of Home Affairs, a total of 6489 cases of violence against women (including 457 rape cases) have been reported from Tamil Nadu in 2006 which is about 4% of the total national cases of violence against women in the same year. Also, a total of 353 cases of violence against children including 125 cases of rape have been reported from Tamil Nadu in 2006.

Many of the MLAs who have protested the actress may have daughters who go out in “revealing dresses” to the night clubs to have fun. Yet, they have no control over their daughters. This is mere hypocrisy. It is like asking others to be nationalist by going to vernacular medium schools while sending their children to study in Oxford or Cambridge or the like.

Friday, January 25, 2008

Bangladesh: Indigenous Jummmas fleeing homes to escape army crackdown

New Delhi, 25 Jan 2008

The indigenous Jumma[1] peoples in Burighat area of Rangamati district in Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh have been fleeing their homes after Captian Qamrul of Burighat army camp served a 72-hours ultimatum for the release of a Bengali settler alleged to have disappeared a few days back. The ultimatum ends today, 25 January 2008.

The Bangladesh army has arrested two Jummas from Gorjontoli village. Jumma villagers from Gorhed, Edmara and Krishnama Chara are also fleeing due to fear of attacks by the army and the illegal Bengali settlers.

In a military style, the army has blocked the Rangamati - Khagrachari road to prevent flow of information outside. The Jummas fear massive military operation against them.


[1]. A collective name given to 11 indigenous communities of Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh. The name is derived from their traditional occupation, Jum which is a form of shifting cultivation in the hills

Thursday, January 24, 2008

Bangladesh:The Army attacks Buddhism to facilitate illegal settlement in the Chittagong Hill Tracts

(Note: This is the full article published by Asian Centre for Human Rights in New Delhi, http://www.achrweb.org/ , and it describes how the Chakma indigenous peoples of Bangladesh and their religion, Buddhism are being targetted by the military-ruled Bangladesh, whose state religion is Islam. Also see my article, Bangladesh: Buddhist Monk arrested, land grabbing continues in this blog.)


On 25 January 2008, indigenous Jumma peoples are scheduled to hold a large religious gathering at Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir, a Buddhist temple at Karallyachari in Khagrachari Hill district of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHTs). The Bangladeshi authorities have banned the meeting. It is unclear if the meeting will go ahead. As we upload this Weekly Review, the Deputy Commissioner of Khagrachari district is holding a meeting with the local Jumma elders of Karallyachari to decide the fate of the religious gathering while the Bangladesh army personnel have been seizing the bikes and other vehicles. But if the meeting takes place it is likely that the government will use violence to suppress it.

The government’s actions at the temple are a microcosm of an ongoing and long established State policy to establish a homogenous Bengali Muslim society; a policy that implies the destruction of the identity of the indigenous Jumma peoples through a process of illegal and often violent settlement of the Bengali Muslim settlers.

With international community's attention focused on Bangladesh’s parliamentary elections the care-taker government is free to execute the ethnic cleansing policy in the CHTs without external interference.

Background to the Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir:

The banning of the religious gathering comes as part of a pattern of wider attacks on the religion of the indigenous communities. On 14 January 2008, the Bangladesh Police arrested Reverend Arya Jyoti Bhikkhu, Head Priest of Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir, after a settler, Abdul Majid, son of late Akad Zaman from Karallyachari cluster village, filed a First Information Report (No. 1 of dated 11/1/2008) under sections 143, 447, 379, 427, 506 and 109 of the Bangladesh Penal Code. The complainant accused about 500 indigenous peoples including Rev Aryo Joti Bhikkhu and Late(!) Tumbo Chakma of committing offences of illegal gathering, theft and destruction to private properties. In reality, it appears that these indigenous Jummas were making temporary houses to accommodate the Buddhist monks and the devotees within the temple premise.

On 21 January 2008, the Additional District Magistrate of Khagrachari Mr Manindra Kishor Majumder in a communication (je.pra.kha/je.em/tin-75/2008-63) ordered the Officer-in-Charge of Mahalachari Police Station area to issue show cause on the headmen and Karbaris (traditional village chiefs) of Karallyachari area as to why they had failed to notify the administration about the religious programme. He also ordered that the court examine the land documents of the temple and threatened legal action against the headmen and Karbaris if they failed to provide satisfactory documentation.

On 21 January 2008, Bangladesh army personnel prevented local people from constructing a makeshift bridge over the river Chengi at Karallyachari - Paujjyachari area under Mahalchari Police Station. The bridge was being prepared for the religious programme.

Targeting of the Buddhist temples:

The events at Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir are not isolated. Across the CHTs, Buddhist temples have been targeted for destruction by the authorities. Indigenous Buddhist Chakmas and Marmas usually live in and around their temples. Once temples are destroyed the area can be more easily cleared for illegal plain settlers.

In August 2007, illegal settlers and the Bangladesh army personnel tried to take over the lands of the Sadhana Tila Buddhist temple of Babuchara area under Dighinala upazila in Khagrachari district. As national and international protest grew, the de-facto ruler of the country General Moeen U Ahmed visited Dighinala on 28 August 2007 and assured locals that the temple will not be destroyed.

On 12 September 2007, Khagrachari district authorities banned the “construction of new Mosque, Hindu temple and Buddhist temple” in Mahalchari sub-division without prior permission of the authorities. While the order does not specifically target any religious group, given the long history of well documented evidence of violations against the Jumma peoples the political reality is that the order is targeted at the indigenous peoples and their religion i.e. Buddhism.

On 5 November 2007, Major Qamruzzaman, Commander of Babuchara zone, summoned Sneha Moy Chakma and Santosh Jibon Chakma to his camp and ordered them not to use loudspeakers to announce the Katin Chivor Danotsav, the Buddhist festival that follows the end of the rain retreat of Buddhist monks.

On 31 December 2007, a group of army personnel led by Captain Sohel, Commander of Shuknachari Indra Singh Karbari Para camp of the Bangladesh Army, demolished Bhujulichuk Kuthir, a Buddhist meditation centre in Lakshmichari Upazila in Khagrachari district. Captain Shohel threatened witnesses on a prior attack that : “We will not tolerate any Buddha house here; we want only Allah's house”.

On 17 January 2008, the Commanding Officer of Baghaihat zone in Rangamati district threatened Reverend Dwip Bongshaw Bhikkhu, the Head Priest of Bishwa Moitri Bouddha Vihar at Hazachara village in Baghaihat. The Commanding officer threatened to demolish the temple if the priest did not leave.

The motivation for taking land of the Sadhana Tila Buddhist temple and its surrounding areas is simple: further illegal settlement. Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) is in possession of a letter dated 19 November 2007 issued by Md. Sulut Zaman, Deputy Secretary of the Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs (MoCHTA). It orders the Deputy Commissioner of Khagrachari district to illegally settle 812 families into the lands of the indigenous Jummas at Babuchara area, Baghaichari mouza under Dighinala upazila (sub- district) in Khagrachari district.

Land grabbing:

There are many other recent incidents of forcible land grabbing. In December 2007, illegal plain settlers led by Md. Wahab from Burighat under Rangamati district forcibly grabbed 25 acres of land belonging to the indigenous Jumma people at Hatimara village under Burighat Mouza in Rangamati district.

During March 2007-November 2007, a total of 399.22 acres of land belonging to 133 Jumma individuals and a primary school in 14 villages under four Unions of Mahalchari police station and Khagrachari Sadar police station under Kagrachari district have been illegally and forcibly grabbed by the illegal plain settlers with direct help from the army. [1]

At a press conference in Dhaka on 19 January 2008, representatives of the Committee for Protection of Land in Bandarban called upon the government to cancel the ongoing process of acquiring 9,560 acres of land for the purpose of expansion of Ruma Garrison. The government is presently at the final stage of acquiring 9,560 acres of land for the purpose of expansion of Ruma Garrison in three Mouzas of Galenga, Pantola and Sengum under Ruma Upazilla in Bandarban. Out of the total land to be acquired, 1,569.06 acres belong to the indigenous peoples and 4,000 acres belong to the Forest Department. The project will lead to displacement of 4,315 indigenous persons from 644 families. Way back in 1988, a joint study team of Bandarban District Administration and the Bangladesh Military stated that the project would be disastrous for the local indigenous peoples. [2]

Background to the CHTs crisis:

The root of the CHTs crisis lies in the policies of the government of Bangladesh which seek to establish homogenous Bengali muslim society. This implies the destruction of the identity of the indigenous Jumma peoples. 'Jumma' is the collective name for the eleven tribes of the CHTs.

Over the last 50 years, hundreds of thousands of Bengali settlers have been moved onto Jumma land. Successive regimes in East Pakistan, and later Bangladesh have supported the influx of Bengali-speaking Muslim migrants into the 5,000 sq km Hill Tracts, which is sparsely populated in comparison to the rest of the country. The settlement has been carried out with varying degrees of violence, including in earlier periods massacre.

Today, as a result of the aggressive settlement policy, the Chittagong Hill Tracts has a population of 900,000 which is evenly divided between Muslim homesteaders and the indigenous Jummas.

On 2 December 1997, the government of Bangladesh and the Jummas signed a peace accord that brought an end to the long running insurgency. It committed the government to removing military camps from the region and to ending the illegal occupation of Jumma land by settlers and the army.Since emergency rule was declared in Bangladesh in January 2007, arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings of Jummas have escalated. Jumma activists have been targeted by the Bangladesh military taking advantage of the emergency. Since the declaration of Emergency on 11 January 2007, at least 50 Jumma activists have been arrested, including 20 members of Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity ( PCJSS) and 10 members of United People's Democratic Front (UPDF).

False cases such as extortion, kidnapping, murder etc have been lodged against arrested jumma activists. During raids, the Bangladesh military plant arms and ammunitions and claim to have recovered the same from the houses of the indigenous activists to provide grounds for arrest. Most cases have been filed under Section 16(b) of the Emergency Power Rules of 2007 which denies release on bail to the accused during the enquiry, investigation and trial of the case.

Prospects:

The state has been carrying out illegal land grabbing in CHT since independence. There should be no doubt about the central government’s long term intentions in the CHT. The deliberate destruction of religious centres and intimidation of the priests is part of the political strategy to realize the aim.

The Army (the de facto government) is actively involved in the ongoing settlement policy. There is no protection under the law: the rule of law in Bangladesh is subverted to political interference, weak institutions and an indifference to human rights. And the history of grave violations of human rights and ongoing arrest and torture and extra-judicial execution of Jumma activists means any protest carries a high risk.

Jumma culture centres around the religion and the community derives a sense of protection from the religion. Attacking the religion is intended to dissipate Jumma communities. The attacks facilitate a climate of fear that undermines what remains of any organized peaceful resistance to the settlement policy.

The international community:

Despite the increasing rate of illegal settlement and blatant human rights violations, international concern is hard to discern. Even Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International omitted reference to the CHTs in their Annual reports 2007.

In more ways than one, international community is responsible for the gradual extinction of indigenous Jumma peoples in Bangladesh. They had funded the programmes for implantation of plain settlers into the CHTs. While speaking about peace in the CHTs, they continue to remain mute witness as the government of Bangladesh continues to provide free rations only to the illegal plain settlers.

The failure to condemn state sponsored racism has given a free hand to the authorities in Dhaka to take measures that will eventually destroy the identity of the indigenous Jumma peoples.


[1] . This was revealed by Dhaka-based human rights group, the Hill Watch Human Rights Forum after conducting a fact-finding investigation in November 2007.
[2] . Press conference held against land acquisition in Bandarban, CHTnews.com, News No. 01/2008, 19 January 2008

Friday, January 18, 2008

Border fencing: Is Aizawl ready to wipe Chakmas’ tears?

By- Paritosh Chakma

Since 13 January 2008, the Chakmas have been staging peaceful and democratic protests at remote Marpara village under Lunglei district of Mizoram (India) demanding immediate suspension of the ongoing India-Bangladesh border fencing because of the failure of the Lunglei district administration to disburse compensation to the affected families so far. The protests have the support of the Young Chakma Association, Mizoram Chakma Students’ Union, Village Councils and elders. On 18 January 2008, these protests were temporarily suspended up to 31 January 2008 following “written assurances” from the officials of the National Building Construction Corporation (NBCC), the company which is implementing the fencing works in Marpara sector, who met the protestors at Marpara.


I. No compensation, only acquisition

The Chakmas have accused the Lunglei district administration of sheer discrimination and neglect by refusing to release any compensation although the necessary verification of the affected villages was completed one year ago. The Zoramthanga government had promised fair treatment to all oustees of the border fencing in the award of compensation and rehabilitation. Both state government of Mizoram and the Central government had also assured the would-be displaced persons of proper rehabilitation.

Yet, the discrimination and neglect of the villagers in Lunglei district is crystal clear given the fact that the fellow affected Chakmas in other districts have already been given the first installment of compensation and they are about to get their second installment from their respective district authorities who have been entrusted to look into the compensation and rehabilitation of the oustees.

In clear deviation from the stated principle of the State government, “No compensation, Only acquisition” seems to be the mantra of the district authorities of Lunglei.

In India, the State has the power to forcibly acquire any land of any individual in any part of the country in the name of “public purpose” or “emergency” under the Land Acquisition Act of 1894 which has also been upheld in the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Policy of 2007. But the concerned officials have gone a step ahead by not providing compensation to the affected families in Lunglei district.


II. Extent of displacement and its consequences

The government of India has been erecting fencing along its 4096.7 km-long border with Bangladesh running through five Indian states of West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram in order to stop infiltration, smuggling and other alleged anti-India activities from across the border. Mizoram has a 318 km-long international border with Bangladesh.

The border fencing has hit hard the already poverty-stricken Chakma tribals. A house to house survey conducted by Indo-Bangladesh Border Fencing Affected Families Resettlement Demand Committee (IBBFARDCOM) headed by former minister Mr Nirupam Chakma found that the fencing will displace a total of 5,790 Chakma tribal families consisting of 35,438 persons from 49 villages.

Apart from loss of their immovable houses and properties, the villagers will lose already developed wet rice cultivation lands, horticulture gardens, gardens for growing vegetables and other cash crops, tree plantations of high commercial values like teak etc, community/ government assets like schools, health sub-centres, community halls, market places, places of worship, play grounds, cemetery/ grave yards, water ponds, water supply, and other government/ council office buildings, etc. The consequences of the mass displacement will be disastrous unless the government take concrete steps to provide all the facilities, including clean water supply, roads as the rivers will fall outside the fencing, markets, schools and primary health centres among others.

The IBBFARDCOM has been pressing for “full and proper” rehabilitation of all the oustees without any discrimination by New Delhi and Aizawl.

To mitigate the sufferings of the Chakmas, not only New Delhi and Aizawl must act in cooperation but the district level officials must also discharge their duty properly and timely.

The condition of the Chakmas has been aggravated by the denial of timely compensation (in Lunglei district) in the backdrop of the Mautam (bamboo famine) which has been raging on in Mizoram resulting in acute shortage of food in some villages. It has been reported that the Chakmas in some villages in western Mizoram have already been living on (eatable) potatoes found in the jungles or are taking only one meal a day to save more food for the coming days. The price of rice in the market has soared up to Rs 20 per kg which is not affordable to the poor.


III. Chief Minister must intervene

The protesting Chakmas have been given assurance of compensation by the end of this month. The Chakmas can only keep their fingers crossed.

In the event of the failure to disburse compensation by the deadline of 31 January 2008, Chief Minister Mr Zoramthanga must himself intervene to take immediate appropriate steps to fulfill the demands of the aggrieved Chakmas and establish accountability by taking action against the guilty officials. Mr Zoramtahnga must also order an investigation as to why the compensation in Lunglei district has been delayed. But the million dollar question is: Is Aizawl ready to wipe Chakmas’ tears?

Bangladesh: Buddhist Monk arrested, land grabbing continues

New Delhi, 18 Jan 2008

In the military-controlled Bangladesh, the religious persecution is growing bigger and subtler every day. It is not to say that persecution of the minorities did not exist earlier. It very much existed. But then, the emergency was imposed a year ago, on 11 January 2007, to deal with fundamentalism and corruption.

I. Arrest of Buddhist monk

On 14 January 2008, a Buddhist monk Rev Arya Joti Bhikkhu, chief priest of Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir (Buddhist temple) in Karallyachari under Khagrachari district, CHTs of Bangladesh was arrested by the police. The arrest was made based on a fabricated complaint filed an illegal Muslim settler on 11 January 2008 which accused about 500 indigenous peoples including Rev Aryo Joti Bhikkhu of illegal gathering, theft and destruction to private property.

The complaint was referring to uplift works which the indigenous Buddhist villagers were doing in the Buddhist temple. The illegal Muslim settlers have been claiming the temple land as theirs.

Rev. Aryo Joti Bhikkhu was produced before the Khagrachari district court and released on bail on 15 January 2008.


II. Restrictions on religious affairs

Religious persecution is in nothing new in Bangladesh. The arrest of Rev. Arya Joti Bhikkhu, chief priest of Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir, is only a sequence in the Bangladesh government’s anti-minority policies.

In the context of the arrest of Rev. Arya Joti Bhikkhu it is important to note that the district officials had been preventing any uplift work in the Buddhist temple since November 2007. Army personnel have been deployed around the temple since 3 January 2008. The government also banned a religious event scheduled for 25th January 2008 at the Buddhist temple.

Earlier, on 12 September 2007, Khagrachari district authorities banned “construction of new Mosque, Hindu temple and Buddhist temple” in Mahalchari sub-division within the district without prior permission of the authorities concerned. The order is not targeted against the Muslims or Hindus but against indigenous Buddhists.


III. Illegal land grabbing

The arrest of the Buddhist monk and indigenous jummas is part of the wider conspiracy to grab the lands of the indigenous peoples in the CHTs. Now, the illegal plain setters have laid their claim on the 18 acre land of the Sarnath Arannyo Kuthir Buddhist temple in Karallyachari under Khagrachari district. In another similar development, since 13 August 2007, the illegal settlers have been trying to grab the land of the Buddhist temple at Sadhana Tila under the Dighinala Police Station in Khagrachari district of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The army was directly involved in the attacks on the indigenous peoples and Buddhist monks at Sadhana Tila.

The Kagrachari district has been one of the worst affected districts in the CHTs from the onslaught of the illegal settlers and the army. Since March 2007, a total of 399.22 acres of land belonging to 133 Jumma individuals and a primary school in 14 villages under four Unions of Mahalchari police station and Khagrachari Sadar police station under Kagrachari district have been reportedly illegally and forcibly grabbed by the illegal plain settlers. This was revealed by Dhaka-based human rights group, the Hill Watch Human Rights Forum after conducting a fact-finding investigation in November 2007.

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