Press Release- MBDPF condemns use of violence

[Note: I have received the following press release from the Mizoram Bru Displaced People's Forum]

OFFICE OF THE
MIZORAM BRU DISPLACED PEOPLE’S FORUM
Head Office: Naisingpara Relief Camp, P.O. Gachirampara, Tripura (N)-799271


2 December 2009

PRESS RELEASE

MBDPF condemns use of violence

Agartala: The Mizoram Bru Displaced People’s Forum (MBDPF), the representative body of the Brus displaced from Mizoram, has taken note of the statement of the Mizoram NGOs’ Coordination Committee that the “Brus will not be repatriated until and unless they shun violence and militant activities against the Mizos”.

“We condemn without any reservation all forms of violence whether committed by a Bru or a Mizo or a member of any other community” - stated Mr Elvis Chorkhy, President of MBDPF.

The MBDPF reiterates that it has never engaged in violence and consistently condemned the use of violence in any form by any individual or organisation. The MBDPF therefore immediately condemned the killing of a Mizo youth, Zarzokima on November 13th and urged the government to investigate and punish the culprits. The MBDPF further stated that its President Elvis Chorky himself was held hostage for 22 days in June 2007 by the armed groups.

The MBDPF appealed to the Mizoram NGOs’ Coordination Committee which includes the Young Mizo Association (YMA) and Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) and other civil society organizations to unequivocally condemn the use of violence by any group or community. We fervently appeal to these civil society organizations to condemn violence against the Brus that was unleashed following the murder of Zarzokima. At least 465 houses belonging to the Brus were burnt down in 11 villages. It caused destruction of properties, displacement of thousands of Brus and exodus of over 2000 Brus to Tripura.

The MBDPF states that “criminals are criminals and they have no religion or ethnicity”. The criminals whether belonging to Bru or Mizo community must be singled out and be prosecuted in accordance with the law of the land.

However, no community whether Bru, Mizo or any other group should be held responsible for criminal acts of individuals who must be punished in accordance with the law. [Ends]

Attacks on Bru minorities in Mizoram

I. Press Release of Asian Centre for Human Rights (New Delhi), 20 November 2009
http://www.achrweb.org/press/2009/IND10-09.html

CBI investigation sought into the communal attacks on the Brus in Mizoram
- Congress is communal in Mizoram -

New Delhi: Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) today urged Home Minister P Chidambaram to order an investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into the killing of one Mizo youth identified as Mr Zarzokima on 13 November 2009 and subsequent burning down of villages inhabited by the Brus also known as the Reangs in Mizoram since 14 November 2009. More than 500 houses were reportedly burnt and over 5,000 Brus were displaced and forced to seek refuge in Tripura and Assam. “As prima-facie evidence do exist to establish beyond any reasonable doubt that the State government and the some Mizo NGOs were behind the premeditated attacks to prevent the return of the Brus from 14 November 2009 and all the major attacks against the minorities took place under Chief Ministership of Pu Lalthanhawla, an inquiry by the CBI is indispensable” – stated Mr Suhas Chakma, Director of Asian Centre for Human Rights.

ACHR further asserted that in Mizoram, the Congress Party leaders have not been able to rise above their ethnicity and pursued policies against the minorities. All the attacks against the minorities in the State i.e. on the Buddhist Chakma tribals at Marpara in August 1992, deletion of thousands of Chakma citizens from the voters list in Mizoram in 1995 in violation of the 1955 Citizenship Act and 1986 Citizenship Amendment Act and the communal attacks against the Brus in October 1997 took place under the Chief Ministership of Pu Lalthanhawla. No relief assistance, including establishment of relief camps, has been provided to these displaced persons who took shelter in Tripura since 14 November 2009.

ACHR also urged the Centre hold a tripartite meeting consisting of the State Government of Mizoram, Central government and Mizoram Bru Displaced Peoples Forum (MBDPF) to workout an agreement for return of the displaced Brus with guarantees for safety, security and proper rehabilitation and to send a clear message to the communal forces in Mizoram; arrest all the culprits and ensure their prosecution through speedy trial and provide assistance to the displaced.
[Ends]

II. Reply of Govt of Mizoram

Press Statement of Home Minister, Government of Mizoram in regard to the recent trouble between Mizos and Brus, 22 November 2009
[ Source: Department of Information and Public Relations, Govt of Mizoram]

It is deeply unfortunate that a highly regarded organization such as the Delhi-based Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) has approached the Central Government with allegations that the Government of Mizoram was behind the recent communal trouble between the Mizos and the Brus. Before making such serious accusations, it would have been a wise move for ACHR to approach the Government of Mizoram to learn the facts and what steps the State Government took at the onset to prevent further violence from taking place.

I would like to make it clear here that when the State Government learned that 17-year old Zarzokima of Bungthuam village had been killed by alleged Bru militants calling themselves Bru National Army of the Bru Revolutionary Union on November 13, 2009, I made a statement to the effect that violence would be retaliated with violence, meaning the State Government would deal strongly with those threatening to disrupt the peace and harmony of Mizoram through violence.

The “prima-facie evidence” mentioned by ACHR to prove that the burning down of Bru villages were premeditated by the Government of Mizoram and “some Mizo NGOs” could stem from the accusations made by the Mizoram Bru Displaced People’s Forum that my statement was provocative. As a responsible public leader and a long-time Congress man, I wish to strongly state that my statement was neither provocative nor meant to instigate communal violence.

I would be the first to admit that the Western and North Western belt of Mizoram has been a simmering pot of communal problems from as far back as 10-15 years ago and that the problems between the Mizos and Brus could escalate at the drop of a hat. As such, when the State Government learned of the November 13, 2009 killing of a Mizo youth in western Mizoram, the district authorities were immediately alerted to take action to prevent any communal trouble from flaring up while at the same time to vigorously pursue investigations into the killing of the youth. Moreover, police forces were sent from various parts of the state to Mamit district, the district where the killing took place, as reinforcements. The difficult terrain and inaccessibility of some of the villages made it impossible for the police personnel to reach these places and prevent outbursts of violence. Police, however, managed to prevent miscreants from committing arson at Damparengpui, the biggest Bru village in the area, although, unfortunately, they were unable to save five houses. Had not the police reacted swiftly, Damparengpui could have been razed to the ground and we consider it immensely fortunate that no lives were lost and no one suffered physical injuries from the Bru community.

At this point in time, the State Government is yet to establish whether any NGO is involved in the torching of villages and investigations are still on. Meanwhile, seven persons, four from Kawrthah village, two from West Phaileng village and one from Suarhliap village were arrested on November 15, 2009 in connection with the burning down of villages.

It is the State Government’s belief that the killing of Zarzokima was an attempt by some people with self-interests from the Bru community to prevent the repatriation process which was to begin from November 16, 2009 from taking place. The State Government had taken great pains to see that the repatriation take place as early as possible despite the reluctance shown by the Bru refugee leaders to be repatriated. This reluctance is clearly highlighted by some of the demands the leaders made, demands that are impossible for the state government to meet such as allocating each refugee family four hectares of land.

I would like to assure ACHR that the Government of Mizoram is in no way involved in the torching of Bru villages and that relief measures and protection for the victims are in place and have been carried out. Immediate relief measures carried out was to distribute four kg of rice to each adult and 2 kg of rice to each child, two blankets per family and a silpouline for temporary shelter. The district administration has also been instructed to provide cooking utensils and other necessary household items such as daos (big knife for cutting down bamboos and small trees) necessary for the construction of huts. The State Government has also announced ex-gratia of Rs 10,000 for each victim-family which is to be distributed without undue delay.

I would like to take the opportunity here to give a brief history of the relationship between Mizos and the minority communities of Mizoram. Mizoram has three minority communities namely Gorkhas (Nepalis), Chakmas and Brus (also called Reangs). Mizos have co-existed peacefully with these minority communities for more than a hundred years despite attacks and violence from them towards the Mizos. As anyone will know, when something goes wrong between two communities, things tend to take a turn in a communal way. As such, when a Forest Deptt. Game Watcher Lalzawmliana was killed by Bru miscreants in 1997, the first communal trouble flared up between the Brus and Mizos leading to thousands of Brus fleeing Mizoram despite urgings from the Mizoram Government not to leave the State and assuring them protection. These are the same Brus which the Government of Mizoram is trying to repatriate, the process of which was to have begun on November 16, 2009 if the incident of the killing of the Bungthuam youth had not happened. It may also be correct to mention that some of the Bru leaders living in refugee camps have become ensconced comfortably in the camps given their status as leaders and as such, are showing reluctance to leave the refugee camps since they would face great hardship making a living through farming once they come back to Mizoram.

Given the circumstances as mentioned above, it is the Brus themselves that are now causing problems in the repatriation program and not the Government of Mizoram and the Mizo community as the ACHR would have us believe. Therefore, I strongly urge the media to downplay the recent Bru-Mizo incident so as to enable the Mizoram Government to repatriate the Brus without any further problems and as soon as possible.

Over the dining table - a thought on identity

By Paritosh Chakma

Over the dining table in the spring this year, a Mizo girl asked me: “Do you Chakmas in Mizoram consider yourselves as Mizos?”

I paused for a while before I replied:

“ To me it would depend on the meaning of the term ‘Mizo’. It means whether we take Mizo as an ethnic community or as a territorial/geographical or national identity. Say for example, all Indians irrespective of whether they are Tamils, or Gujaratis or Assamese or Khasis identify themselves as Indians.”

“Similarly”, I continued, “Chakmas living in Mizoram must identify themselves as Mizos. In that sense, we are definitely Mizos too. That is precisely why Chakmas who are residents of Mizoram do not require Inner Line Permit to enter Mizoram.”

At the Assam-Mizoram checkpoint at Vairengte, a signboard facing the passengers reads – “All Non-Mizos are required to produce Inner Line Permit”.

We Chakma students never cared to think of the permit; the question simply did not arise in our minds because we identified ourselves with the “Mizos” - not with the “Non-Mizos” referred to in the signboard.

But, I explained to her, Chakmas are a distinct ethnic tribe and different from the Mizos.
I remember immediately she shot back at me saying, “That is the problem with you Chakmas. You never say you are Mizos.”

On 23 September 2009 she was proved wrong. That day the influential Mizo Zirlai Pawl (Mizo Students’ Association) burnt copies of a Mizoram Board of School Education text book which claimed, among others, that Chakma was a sub clan of the Mizo tribe.

Yet, it was not the MZP to be blamed. I don’t think the Chakma issue was the main objection. Even the Chakmas themselves do not claim to be a sub clan of the Mizos, although they are proud citizens of Mizoram. Hence, the reference in the text book got to be deleted anyway.

In my view, the text book for Class IX “Enjoy Your English” was unacceptable as Chapter 10 – “Jewel of North East: Mizoram” was full of errors. Even Mizoram’s location - ‘Tripura in the East and Myanmar in the South’ - was not correct. It also got Mizoram’s history wrong.

The errors were not surprising. It was written by non-Mizo scholars who were “born and brought up outside Mizoram”- explained MBSE secretary K Lianhmingthanga.

A trip to Nepal

Recently I paid a three-day visit to Kathmandu, the picturesque capital of Nepal. Kathmandu is a valley surrounded by beautiful mountains, and it looked wonderful from above. As our aircraft landed after negotiating with the thick clouds, there was a feeling of joy and relief in my mind. It was my maiden visit to Nepal.

The old Kathmandu is a bit crowded and had small, clumsy roads. I found adjacent Lalitpur has much clean, bigger and smooth roads; and the some hilly landscapes look a bit similar to Shillong.

In Nepal, Indian Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes are not accepted. So, Indians have to carry Rs 100-notes which make your purse looks thicker. Everywhere you can pay in Indian Currency. The exchange is as follows: IC 100= NC 160.

Among other things, what caught my imagination is the unique Bakery Cafe at New Baneswar. I saw several Bakery Cafes in Kathmandu, but the amaging thing about this one is that all the staff, except the manager, were people who were dumb! "It is a special mission", explained my friend about the founder of this Bakery Cafe. It takes some time before you could actually find out that all the waiters, including the female, were deaf and dumb. Hence, you could put an order or ask a question only in writing on a note-pad and the waiter replied in writing as well. All of the waiters have been recruited from a special school meant for the deaf and dumb. Hence, all of them were educated and they could communicate in English, of course in writing!

I thought it was a wonderful piece of entrepreneurship and indeed, a special mission to provide employment to these special people, to make them feel that they are also an equal part of the society. I wonder whether such examples exist elsewhere in the world. My Nepalese friend said this was the only restaurant of this kind in entire Nepal.

The Twitter Controversy Involving Shashi Tharoor

By Paritosh Chakma

All of a sudden there is a mad rush among the (Congress party) politicians to prove themselves "austere" to win the hearts of the aam admi , i.e. the electorate. After, Sonia Gandhi travelled in economy class and her son Rahul took the Delhi-Amritsar Shatabdi Express, everybody wanted to turn austere to please the Congress boss. So much so that Union Minister Salman Khurshid had to issue a warning that “vulgar display” of austerity should be discouraged. Mr Khurshid argued that "Austerity is something intrinsic and very personal".

There is however some mismatch. For example, Rahul Gandhi reportedly told reporters, "As a politician, you have a duty to be austere,” but his visit to Tamil Nadu to strengthen the Youth Congress cost Rs 1 crore from Congress' purse. No matter, who is paying the money.

Even Shashi Tharoor, Minister of State for External Affairs has claimed that he was paying from his own pocket, not taxpayers' money, for staying in 5-star hotel but was ordered to leave by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and shift to State Guest House.

Recent tweets in social networking site "Twitter.Com" however invited trouble for Mr Tharoor, a novice in politics after he tweetted - "absolutely, in cattle class out of solidarity with all our holy cows!", in reply to a query whether he was ready to travel "cattle class". He was reprimanded by the Congress party, and Rajasthan CM went further ahead to demand his resignation. Luckily for Mr Tharoor, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the minister's remark was "a joke", and should not be taken seriously.

On his part, Mr Tharoor clarified that "cattle class" is "a silly expression but means no disrespect to economy travellers, only to airlines for herding us in like cattle" and said sorry for the misunderstanding. He told another important thing: people do not have humour to accept humour. So, what is the fuss about calling economy class a "cattle class". The Gandhis may be travelling in economy class or boarding a train now to emulate the experiences of the common man, but how long? They will never be common men - "aam admi". I hope they also realized that there exist something called "sleeping class" in train and ordinary people do not travel with heavy security around them. Politicians enjoying z-security should never travel in train or on the road. This only leads to chaos and creates untold problems for the citizenry. They are heavenly people - austerity is not meant for them. As I understand, politicians are more hurt by Mr Tharoors observation because he stingingly refered to the "holy cows" which the majority politicians see they are. But Mr Tharoor clarified, "holy cows are NOT individuals but sacrosanct issues or principles that no one dares challenge".

Another truth that emerges from the present controversy is that "indeed, we lack humour". While not many politicians are net-savvy, poor Shashi will continue to bear the brunt for his tweets. But Shashi must also realize there are millions across the globe who are behind him. I am one of them.

Breaking the impasse

By - Suhas Chakma
The Kathmandu Post, Nepal, 18 Sept, 2009, http://www.kantipuronline.com/tkp/news/news-detail.php?news_id=338

September 18 - India’s Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao received a lukewarm response on her two day visit to Nepal on Sept. 15-16. She met the very same officials whom she met in New Delhi about a month ago. In addition she met President Ram Baran Yadav and Chief of the Army Staff Chhatraman Singh Gurung. The missing link was the Maoist leader Prachanda who conspicuously left for Hong Kong clearly to avoid a meeting.

So was the reason behind Foreign Secretary Rao’s rapid reciprocal visit to Kathmandu to re-announce the package announced in Delhi only about a month ago?

Nothing has changed since the visit of Nepal’s prime minister to Delhi. The stalemate and its consequences are still firmly in place: political polarisation deepens; the peace process continues to run dangerously off course; splits in the larger parties are ever more evident; the country is in ever deeper chaos and the security situation continues to deteriorate. Most seriously there are still two highly politicised armies in the country, not to mention the dangerous proliferation of ever more armed groups.Most speculate that Rao’s mission was to buttress Madhav Nepal. But Indian influence has its limits and the visit is unlikely to do much more than delay the inevitable end of this lame duck government.

India’s support for this government appears mostly aimed at denying Nepal’s Maoists a share in power. This position seems linked to rising domestic Indian alarm over Naxalis. Home Minister P Chidambaram in his address to the conference of the India’s State police chiefs on Sept. 14 in New Delhi stated that the Naxalism has affected 2000 police stations in 223 districts of 13 States of India. At the same meeting, National Security Advisor M K Narayan expressed concerns about Maoist resurgence in Nepal.

India is right to be concerned about the failure of the Nepal Maoists to end violence. But this does not necessarily add up to the shrill arguments about Maoist takeover and havens for Indian Naxalism that find favour at the Embassy; and appear to be transmitted verbatim to South Block. India’s most senior Nepal expert, SD Muni has indelicately described the ideas of insurrection as: “bullshit”.

If security is the end goal of Indian policy then India has to realise — whether it likes it or not — that inclusion of Nepal’s Maoists in government is central to a stable and secure Nepal. All the main parties have demonstrated that if they are not included they can make life impossible for the government. There is no solution to the stalemate in Nepal without the Maoists, just as there is no solution without including the Nepali Congress. India’s current position of maintaining the stalemate adds to insecurity: it is not in India security interests.

More broadly, India’s policy on Nepal simply does not add up. India claims to support the peace process. Yet India provides public support to the Nepal Army and its supporters who vehemently oppose integration of the Maoist army. Integration (albeit undefined) is a central part of the peace process.The consequences of this one sided policy are that they allow the Army and its right wing political supporters an effective destabilizing veto over the peace process. It will and is catalysing a Maoist reaction of increased protest and the very real threat of increased violence which could spiral. It prevents resolution of the peace process and provides momentum to the armed groups in the absence of security reform. It further adds momentum to the damaging process of polarisation that empowers those who favour extreme “solutions” and conflict at the expense of consensus politics. In these circumstances increased insecurity on India’s borders is inevitable.

Similarly, India must realise that a legitimate constitutional drafting process requires Maoist participation; they are the largest political party in the constituent assembly. Why would the Maoists soften their position as long as they are denied access to power?

The Maoists on their part must recognise India’s needs. It is a matter of common sense. Prachanda may act as the rabble-rouser to maintain equidistance from China and India but the fact remains India has unmatched leverage.

Nepal is landlocked by India. Nepal can get financial support from China but it is simply not possible to bring gasoline and food supplies for 27 million Nepali people by air. To bring Nepal to a standstill all India needs to do is to put two police constables respectively at the Mahendra Nagar side and the Kakarbitta side along the Indo-Nepal border to strangle Nepal.

Maoist anger against Indian interference cannot be addressed by attacking Indian priests at Pashupati Nath temple. It is one matter to demand the ouster of the Indian priest, it is another matter to strip and assault them. The Maoists may deny their involvement but it is an open secret that they were behind the attacks.

Nepal’s stalemate is a serious political issue with wide ranging consequences for India. The policy should be addressed by India’s politicians and not left to bureaucrats. It requires the engagement of political leaders. The absence of an Indian political party with leverage on the government of India and an interest in Nepal is a handicap. The CPI (M) which had an interest in Nepal affairs has no leverage on the current UPA government. The political parties in Bihar and UP across the spectrum have no interest on Nepal.

The Asian Centre for Human Rights believes that a first step to a more positive Indian role would be to appoint a political leader to play a role — similar to that played previously by Sitaram Yechury of the CPI(M) — as an envoy to break the impasse in Nepal. Yechury was instrumental not only in the negotiations between the Maoists and seven party alliance but also amongst the Maoists.

Such an envoy should provide political support for a national unity government and provide support to the parties to sign a new agreement to clarify areas of current disagreement and develop mechanisms to address the disagreements and bring the peace process on track.

If such an agreement could indeed be reached, India’s Prime Minister must visit Nepal. Policies announced by Foreign Secretary Rao will have meaning in such a situation. No Prime Minister of India has visited Nepal since then Prime Minister I K Gujaral in 1997. The first foreign visits undertaken by India’s Foreign Minister Mr S M Krishna and Home Minister P. Chidambaram were to Bhutan in, respectively, June and August of this year. Earlier, in May 2008, India’s Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh had also visited that country.

India claims to be a super power. But, it must also act responsibly and transparently. It must look beyond retired foreign secretaries while appointing envoys to Nepal. Many of the Indian political leaders share excellent rapport with the Nepalese political leaders and that should be utilised. A stable Nepal is very much in India’s national interest.

(The writer is Director of the Asian Centre for Human Rights)

Read more on Nepal:

- Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR)'s Briefing Paper - Madhes: The challenges and opportunities for a stable Nepal, 19 Sept, 2009

- ACHR's Briefing Paper- Nepal and the Pax Indianus, 14 July 2009

More articles by Suhas Chakma:

- Enforce the law in North-East by Suhas Chakma, The Tribune, India, 19 August 2009, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2009/20090819/edit.htm#7

- Need for a policy for the displaced people by Suhas Chakma, The Tribune, India, 1 Jan., 2006, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060101/edit.htm#1

Rain water harvesting in the North-eastern India- with special reference to Mizoram

By - Dr. M.P. Mishra

[I have found this article very interesting and relevant, and have therefore reproduced here. The source is as below: http://www.ecosensorium.org/2009/09/rain-water-harvesting-in-north-eastern.html]

Mizoram is one of the smallest states in the north-eastern India having an area of only 21,000 sq. Km. It is located in the extreme North East of India bordering Myanmar and Bangladesh. The state is entirely mountainous covered with lush green vegetation. The mountains range in a North - South direction and the rivers flow in either a North or South direction. The highest peak namely Blue Mountain is only 7100 feet high and the climate of Mizoram is moderate. Towns and villages in Mizoram are mostly located on hilltops or on the upper reaches of the hills. Since perennial streams and rivers are located much below the habitations, scarcity of water in the dry season is very common. The whole state enjoys abundant monsoon rainfall during the rainy season extending five or six months in a year.

Springs on the hill slope and valleys are the main water supply sources in the villages. In the dry period the yield from springs gets reduced drastically. During the worst dry periods one has to wait long hours to obtain just a bucketful of water from the spring sources. Spring water supplemented by rainwater harvesting still remains today, the main means of water supply in many villages and outskirts of towns.

Through their skill and experience, the people living in hills and mountains of North-eastern India have developed a number of novel practices of farming, checking soil erosion, preventing landslides, and yes – of conserving water. Cropping in terraces along hill slopes is an age-old practice developed by tribal people. Tribals of Mizoram and Nagaland are expert in cutting beautiful terraces along mountain slopes. This system of cropping is beneficial in retaining fertility of soil; preventing land slides and checking soil erosion. Secondly, it is helpful in retaining the moisture of soil and conserving water, also. How are the terraced fields irrigated? Well, here is the answer.

Tribal people in the north-eastern India are expert in cutting beautiful terraces on hill slopes
The terraced fields are irrigated by a network of water- channels of bamboos that reach to every field. The terraces are graduated in so nice and scientific ways that water flows conveniently through the bamboo channels and irrigates the crop fields. Sometimes holes are made in the bamboo-pipes that facilitate the flow of water in drips. Thus the water is saved against any wastage during the process of irrigation. This system of irrigation is called as “Bamboo-drip Irrigation System”.

The loss of forests and less density of trees in certain regions has altered the pattern of rainfall in some districts of the North –eastern India including Mizoram and Nagaland. The water cycle in these regions has badly been altered and the sources of water have become inefficient. With the skill and experience, the people of these areas have developed a novel method of rain water harvesting and water conservation which is called as Zabo System of Rain water Harvesting.

The word “Zabo” means – impounding of water. The indigenous system of conservation of rain water in Mizoram and Nagaland, through which water is collected and stored in ponds for irrigation and other purposes, is called as the Zabo system of water conservation. The harvesting of water through this system is done by collecting rain water in catchments along mountain slopes. A Pond is dug to store water of the catchment area and all the water flowing down through terraces is facilitated to accumulate into it. The water thus accumulated in ponds is used for various purposes including irrigation. The Government of Mizoram has started a number of projects of water conservation. Rainwater harvesting and spring developments were taken up as a Government Programme. The Rajiv Gandhi National Drinking Water Mission, aiming at providing drinking water to every person, sanctioned a substantial fund for rooftop rainwater harvesting tanks. As many as 198 villages in Mizoram have benefited from the scheme.