Mizoram: Health check list for officials

By- Paritosh Chakma

On 11 June 2009, Mizoram’s Health Department in a statement stated that 17 people died of malaria during January to April 2009 in the state. This is itself alarming. But I think this is a very underestimated figure.

Malaria is number one enemy in Mizoram. Particularly the rural areas are malaria prone and the villagers are more victims than in urban areas.

Yet, the govt of Mizoram’s fight against malaria is grossly inadequate. Any villager of Mizoram, in any corner of the state, will agree with me that there not adequate measures installed there to fight malaria and other easily curable diseases. This lack of preparedness kills hundreds every year.

Mizoram is one of the 18 “high focus states” in the National Rural Health Mission (2005-2012) but the basic healthcare facility is yet to reach the rural areas. The goal of the NRHM “to improve the availability of and access to quality healthcare by people, especially for those residing in rural areas, the poor, women and children” - which is still an unrealistic dream.

All rural Mizoram face the problem of lack of access to proper and basic healthcare. In the Chakma inhabited areas along the Mizorram-Bangladesh borders, people think they still live in the Dark Ages. That's because people continue to die from unknown diseases. In some remotest areas, where there are no roads, villagers don't have even a malaria pill to consume or any trained health personnel to consult - simply because both are not available for them.

Yet, the government of Mizoram boasts of having recruited more health staff or established more health centres than necessary for the people of Mizoram. A government data of March 2007 stated that Mizoram had 366 Sub Centres against the required 146; 57 Primary Health Centres against required 22; and 9 Community Health Centres against required 5 in the state! The same data points out that there were 39 doctors at PHCs against required 57 (that is shortfall of 18), there were 303 Heath Workers against required 366 (that is shortfall of 63); but surprisingly no shortfall of Health Assistants (both male and female). See http://www.mohfw.nic.in/NRHM/State%20Files/Mizoram.htm

If that is the case, then why there is no medical staffs (health assistants) in Chakma villages. I am sure even the Mizo villages, or Hmar villages, or Lai villages in Lai ADC or Mara villages in Mara ADC and certainly in Bru villages do not have adequate number of health staff to take care of their health needs.

If we have more Sub Centres and Primary Health Centres and Community Health Centres than are actually required in Mizoram, the question arises as to why some of the villages do not have any? Certainly, not all villages in Mizoram have Primary Health Centres. Some even do not have Sub Centres. Many Chakma village on the India-Bangladesh border (which are outside the Chakma ADC) certainly do not have these medical facilities.

Then, what is the Mizoram government trying to tell to the world?

The government of Mizoram needs to re-think its health policies. First and foremost, Mizoram government must recruit such health experts who can appropriately calculate how many SCs, PHCs and hospitals we need in Mizoram, so that its people, in every corners, enjoy the right to "highest attainable physical and mental health".

A Chakma 'queen' called Kalpana Chakma

By- Paritosh Chakma

Exactly 13 years ago, a Chakma indigenous woman leader was abducted by army officials and disappeared without a trace in Chittagong Hills Tract of Bangladesh.

Ms Kalpana Chakma, Organizing Secretary of the Hill Women’s Federation, was kidnapped from her home at Lallyaghona village in Rangamati district by Lt. Ferdous, then commander of Kojoichari army camp, at the midnight of 11-12 June 1996. The incident occurred hours before voting for the 7th General Elections in Bangladesh.

At the dead hours of the night (around 1 am), some plain-clothed army personnel knocked at the door of the Chakma family. Lieutenant Ferdous with his 11 soldiers raided Kalpana’s home and picked her up forcibly. Kalpana’s 60-year-old mother Badhuni Chakma told reporters -

“We were asleep when someone called out from outside and wanted to know who were inside the house. Then they pulled down the latch of the door from outside and entered the house. They kept powerful torchlight on our face and took away my younger son Khudiram saying that his 'Sir' (Lieut. Ferdous) wanted to talk to him. Few minutes later they took away my elder son Kalicharan and my daughter Kalpana leaving behind myself and Kalicharan's wife.”

Kalpana's mother said she recognised the voice of Lt. Ferdous who had visited their house earlier. The day before her abduction, Kalpana, who was known for her fierce statements criticizing the army and the Bangladesh government, had an argument with Lt. Ferdous about an incident of 19 March 1996 in which some Jumma people were injured and some houses belonging to Jumma people were set on fire by soldiers from his camp.

Kalpana’s elder brothers - Khudiram and Kalicharan were taken to the lake near their house, blindfolded and their hands tied to the back. But somehow they managed to escape from the clutches of their abductors. One of Kalpana's brothers recognised Lt. Ferdous and two Village Defence Party (VDP) personnel - Nurul Haq, s/o Munsi Miah and Saleh Ahmed - among the kidnappers.

Khudiram Chakma, brother of Kalpana, described how he escaped -

"I was asked to dip into the water near the lake. As soon as I did so, someone shouted 'shoot him'. Sensing imminent death I somehow untied my hand, removed blindfold around my eyes and started running in the waist deep water. I could hear one gunshot behind me but I kept running."

He could hear Kalpana cry out “Dada, Dada, mahre baja” in Chakma tongue which means “brother, brother, save me”. She was forcibly taken away, melting into the darkness. For the Chakmas and for her family, she never saw the light of the day.

On 27 June 1996, the Jumma activists staged demonstration throughout the CHT to press for the release of Kalpana Chakma. During the demonstration 16-year-old schoolboy Rupam Chakma was shot down by the police and three students - Monotosh Chakma, Sukesh Chakma and Samar Bijoy Chakma went missing in Baghaichari on their way to the peaceful demonstrations.

From day one, the army had tried to cover up the abduction of Kalpana. Although Kalpana’s brother Khudiram Chakma mentioned the names of Lt. Ferdous and the VDP persons (Nurul Haq, son of Munsi Miah and Saleh Ahmed) when he lodged an official complaint, there was no mention of any involvement by the security forces in the FIR.

The army denied any involvement in the kidnapping. Initially the army suggested that it was a love affair and that she and Lt. Ferdous had eloped. Later, the army dropped leaflets from a helicopter announcing Taka 50,000 to anyone who could provide information about Kalpana Chakma’s whereabouts.

There were misinformation campaigns too. A Bangladesh government-controlled NGO Bangladesh Human Rights Commission announced at a press conference on 15 August 1996 that Kalpana Chakma was seen in Tripura, India and that she had stage managed her own abduction. The Agartala-based Humanity Protection Forum investigated the allegation on the spot but found the Bangladesh Human Rights Commission's statement was absolutely baseless and false.

Following pressure from the national and international organizations and governments, the government of Bangladesh ordered a judicial inquiry into the abduction and disappearance of Kalpana Chakma on 7 September 1996, almost three months after the abduction. The government of Bangladesh set up a three-member enquiry committee to investigate the case. The committee members were former Justice Abdul Jalil (chairperson), Shakhawat Hossain, Deputy Commissioner of Chittagong and Professor Anupam Sen of Chittagong University.

Justice Abdul Jalil Enquiry Committee submitted the report to the Ministry of Home Affairs on 27 February 1998. But the report was not made public as yet.

Nothing happened despite widespread international condemnation, including a joint resolution on Bangladesh passed by the European Parliament on 24 October 1996 calling for the “immediate release of Mrs Kalpana Chakma” and setting up of “an impartial committee of inquiry” to identify her abductors and role of the army in her disappearance.

Every year the Indigenous Jummas organize rallies in protest against the abduction of Kalpana Chakma and demand that the government come clean. But such democratic protests really felt on the deaf ears of the Bangladesh government which has refused to make the report of the Judicial Enquiry Committee public and prosecute the perpetrators.

In fact, Bangladesh is a country where religious and ethnic minorities do never get justice. Abduction of Kalpana Chakma is not one off case. Many other Jumma women had also been victimised. Over 94% of the rape cases of Jumma women in the CHT between 1991 and 1993 were by the security forces. Over 40% of the victims were women under 18 years of age. None of the perpetrators were brought to justice.

Possibly Kalpana Chakma was killed in army custody. A virulent and fierce fighter for human rights of the oppressed Jummas in a democratic manner, she would remain a challenge for the Bangladesh government if she was spared by the army.

However, she continues to remain in the hearts of the Jummas and every lover of freedom to inspire them for justice and freedom of the oppressed sections of society. She is a Chakma queen of different genre.

Long live Kalpana Chakma.

******

Read further, "We will not let them forget you" - Daily Star, Bangladesh, 12 June 2009, http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=92157

Women Reservation Bill and Mizoram

By - Paritosh Chakma

With the handsome win of the Congress party in the 2009 General Elections and the support the principal opposition in the parliament, Bharatiya Janata Party is extending to the Women Reservation Bill, India is expected to achieve yet another milestone in empowerment of women. We have just elected Meira Kumar as Speaker of Lok Sabha, a position which a woman has occupied for the first time in independent India.

Observers say now India is actually governed by three women – President of India Mrs Pratibha Patil, President of ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA), Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Lok Sabha Speaker Mrs Meira Kumar.

However, the Women Reservation Bill will face stiff opposition from several male politicians. Recently, the Yadav trio – Sharad Yadav of Janata Dal (United), Mulayam Singh Yadav of Samajwadi Party and Lalu Yadav of Rashtriya Janata Dal have sharply opposed the bill. While the last two Yadavs suggested alternatives (likely increasing the seats in the Parliament to accomodate women MPs and compulsory requirement by political parties to field women in elections), Sharad Yadav threatened to kill himself by consuming poison if the Women Reservation Bill was passed. His ridiculous threat only shows that for some politicians it is the death of parliamentary debates. This explains why our Parliamentarians find nothing worthy to debate inside the House and the House sittings are met with frequent disruptions by unruly members and the 14th Lok Sabha saw the least number of sittings.

Vulnerable sections are always neglected and exploited. I fear that even if the Women Reservation Bill is passed and women are given the 33% reservations in Parliament as well as in the Panchayats, it is most likely that this benefit would be misused by male chauvinists. Many politicians who have no chance to win will simply field their wives or daughters as proxy candidates. For the convicted criminals who have been barred by the court from contesting elections, the law will be a boon. The elected wives will just be puppets at the hands of their criminal husbands who will (mis)use the powers. Hence, the Women Reservation Bill doesn't address these fears.

In the village level, the men will continue to remain at the helm of affairs as their wives as elected Panches and Sarpanches will meekly follow whatever their husbands say. For some males, it will be easy to capture powers through their wives or female members of the household. The very purpose of women empowerment will be defeated.

While women clamour for reservations it is interesting to note that even in states where women voters are majority, women candidates fail to garner people’s (women’s) votes. Why is the question which needs a credible answer.

Women of Mizoram are active in social life, and social engineering. But when it comes to politics they are unwilling to take up the job. A few who have dared to jump into the electoral fray faced defeat which has further demoralized the women.

The defeat of all nine women candidates who contested in the last 2 December 2008 assembly polls is surprising and heart breaking given the fact that women voters outnumber men in Mizoram by 6,644. Of the total 6,11,124 voters, 3,08,884 were women and 3,02,240 men, according to the latest electoral rolls. This should have been an indication of political prowess and empowerment of women in this hilly state where women are treated at par with their male counterparts. But when it is an electoral matter, it ain’t be so.

Look at the statistics. Women had even outnumbered men voters by 3,816 in the 2003 Assembly polls but none of the six women candidates who contested could win. The only good thing last year was the slight increase in the number of women candidates (nine) from six in 2003. But still nine out of total 206 candidates is not very encouraging.

Since Mizoram became a Union Territory in 1972, there have been only three women legislators - Thanmawii of People's Conference (1978 and 1979), K. Thansiami of People's Conference (1979) and Lalhlimpui of MNF (1987). Of them, only Lalhlimpui became a minister (minister of state for social welfare in Laldenga ministry). Since then no woman could occupy a seat in the state legislature.

In 2008, Lalhlimpui – the only woman who became a minister - was nominated by the MNF from Hrangturzo constituency in Serchhip district but she lost. She came third (3,222 votes) behind Lalthansanga of Mizoram People's Conference who won the seat with 4,431 votes and Ronald Sapatlau of Congress (3,979 votes).

Zothankimi was the only woman candidate fielded by the Congress party. She was pitted against political heavyweights like Brig. T. Sailo, a former chief minister and Laruatkima of the then ruling Mizo National Front from Aizawl West- II Assembly constituency. In Aizawl West-II, women voters outnumbered their male counterparts but yet Zothankimi lost the election.

Hence, it is matter of great concern as to why women candidates do not get the mandate. The defeat of women candidates even in constituencies where women voters are more than men, poses serious questions which haven’t been answered. The Women Reservation Bill will come handy for the women aspirants in Mizoram but I am sad that women in Mizoram have not been able to take advantage of their numerical strength at the ballot box, which is the most potential weapon in a democracy.

What irritate me most in Delhi

By- Paritosh Chakma
(Rewritten on 10 June 2009)

New Delhi: What irritate me in Delhi most are two things: (1) Ignorance about my native state, Mizoram, and (2) ignorance and insensitivity towards my physical attributes.

1. Ignorance about Mizoram

The North East people’s struggle as they land in Delhi is more of cultural. This stems partly from the fact that most people here even do not know the map of North East India. They are totally ignorant about "peaceful" states like Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya. People know Assam and to some extent have heard of Nagaland because of the bloody insurgencies there. But Mizoram is a peaceful state and in terms of business it is not a state where you can earn in billions, so who cares to know the profile of this tiny state, except perhaps for those who are eyeing the civil services.

When we (Mizos, Chakmas and other ethnic groups) come to study outside Mizoram we carry the pride of Mizoram; we represent Mizoram. Hence we are like a community. I feel most irritated when I am asked where Mizoram is and I am required to explain the north east in the map of India.

Recently, I took an auto-rickshaw to go to a book stall. First the driver looked at me in a curious way which made me conscious of my “different look”. After five-minute drive, he asked me in Hindi:
“Are you from Nepal?”
“No”, I replied. “From Mizoram”
“Where is it, is it in Nepal?” – Another usual question
Not surprised, I replied – “No”. “In the North East. Haven’t you heard of Mizoram?” I wanted to know.
“I know it is in Nepal”, he tried to outplay me.
Irritated, I retorted at him - “Could be, because the entire India is in Nepal”
“It cannot be so. India is bigger than Nepal”
“If Mizoram, which is in India, is in Nepal according to you, then India must be inside Nepal” – I mocked at him. He became amused.

“Is Mizoram your village name?” He meekly asked me, almost surrendering to my arrogance.

“Mizoram is not a village. It is one of the 28 states of India. It is much bigger than Delhi” – I explained.

There were a few minutes of silence.

Then I asked, “Do you know Assam?”
“Yes, it is near Bhutan”, he said.

The man who knows Bhutan is ignorant about a part of his own country.

Later on, in the course of our conversion, he told me that he had completed his Class XII but due to bad circumstances he had to quit studies and took to driving auto for a living. I took pity on his inability to pursue higher education but certainly could not pardon him for his ignorance about my state, Mizoram after studying up to Class XII. Why, in my Class III standards, we were were required to memorise the capitals of all the 25 states (at that time) of India and were punished by our Geography teacher for our inability to correctly name them.

The ignorance of North Eastern states is so much so that even the Honourable Members of Parliament/ Council of Ministers are said to be oblivious of these states. Shri Swaraj Kaushal, who was governor of Mizoram from 8 February 1990 to 9 February 1993, during a Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Indian Parliament) debate on 17 May 2000 made the following statement -

"Much has been said about the ignorance of the North-East. I remember when I was the Governor I used to visit Delhi. I am very sorry to share with this House that some of the Ministers used to ask me--I was the Governor of Mizoram--"how was Mr.Gegon Apang?", little realising that Mr. Gegong Apang was the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh. Sometimes, I was told that I was staying at a beautiful place called Shillong. Shillong is the capital of Meghalaya and I was the Governor of Mizoram."

He stated further, “I will find it very commendable if people in authority, people who are entrusted with the responsibility of deciding matters for the North- East, know the names of seven States, alongwith their Capitals and can name the Chief Ministers of those States. …….. How many of us know as to where the Polo started? Who gave a boost to Polo? We find princes playing it. It was Manipur. The NCERT books are silent on the North- East. ……………. it will be worth examining as to how many Ministers have visited the North- East during the last three, four or five years. I find them paying only helicopter visit. They visit the helipad and they believe that they have visited the States.”

(2) My physical attributes

The people of North East India have different set of physical attributes in comparison to the mainland Indians. To the mainland Indians we look like Chinese or Japanese or Thais or Korean or even Nepalese; but certainly not like "Indians".

This world is like a garden with variety of flowers. Diverse cultures, religions, languages, nationalities, colours, sex identities, ethnic origin and decent. Hence, in a harmonious existence this world would look like a beautiful garden of paradise. But we often do not respect the differences, the diversity.

To the people of North East India, who come to cities like Delhi for studies or jobs, mongoloid features are object for discrimination by the mainland Indians who like to refer themselves as “mainstream people”. I had thought Delhi being the capital of India should be more receptive and people are ahead of their times.

I still remember the day when I first went to the Delhi University (South Campus) to collect admission form in 2003. I was suppose to collect form for Masters degree. But as I was not aware of anything about the admission process and so nervous with none around whom I know, to help me, it was only after the officer at the counter stamped the backside of my ST certificate that I came to know I was in the wrong counter and at wrong time. Actually the admission process for the post-graduate courses did not start and I had collected ST registration form for a graduation course. Oh my God. It is like Ripley's believe it or not.

The entire fault was also not mine, actually. Before taking the form, I had repeatedly asked the officer to confirm whether I was collecting a registration form for Master degree course. Certainly, he saw my face and was in no mood to help. “All forms are available here”, he bluntly replied and asked my ST certificate. He put a stump on the back of it.

When I pointed out the mistake after reading the form, he took back my ST certificate and crossed the stamp with so heavy hand that my ST certificate still bears the ugly cross mark whose imprints are visible from the front. Whenever, I did a photocopy of my tribal certificate, cross mark appeared which looked ugly but fortunately did not create hurdle anywhere.

As I cleared the MA (English) entrance test I had to taste the bitter pill of discrimination first hand in the college again. As I went to the admission counter of the college, I spoke in English to enquire about the procedures. The person sitting at the counter stared at my face and roared at me - “Angres ke baacchee” (Son of Englishman), and he asked me to speak in Hindi. Luckily for me, I had taken Hindi subject in Class X and scored handsomely – above 60 in the board exam.

Another day, I was taking an evening walk near a park where some big boys were playing volleyball at a corner. It so happened that the ball jumped over the fence as I was passing by. Immediately, one of the youths came to the fence and yelled at me “Hei chinki, ball denaa” (pass the ball to me). I took offence being called a "chinki" whose meaning I still do not understand but I heard his friend telling him not to call such names. I decided to pass the ball over the fence.

Don't we have right to be different? Then why are we made fun of?

Certainly, some changes should be made in the school curriculum to make the children more aware about India’s geography and cultures and to respect other's cultures. Unfortunately, our education system is more teaching-based where how to crack certain examination is the ultimate aim. It should be more enquiry-based.

It is not only schools to be blamed, even various TV channels often run advertisements endorsing racism. For example, see the “Amway” company’s ad wherein a flat-nosed boy is shown begging “muje maaf koro” (forgive me) with folded hands while a dirty car and a water bucket are beside him. It appears that the boy (could be portrayed as one of those Nepali labourers who are engaged in cleaning people’s cars in Delhi residential colonies) has committed some serious mistake and was therefore asking for forgiveness.

The question which needs some credible answers is why is that a flat-nosed, mongoloid featured boy has been shown in such poor taste in the ad?

The fish bone that stuck in my throat!

I cannot do without writing about what happened to me yesterday (14 May 2009). We were having launch in the office at around 1-10 pm. There were several delicious dishes including fish, which my friend brought from home and chicken which we ordered from the hotel nearby. I almost finished my launch – and probably I was putting the last mouthful of rice mixed with fish curry, when a fish bone got stuck in my throat. It felt horrible. Since childhood, I am afraid of fish bones and hence, I am not an avid fish eater, though I like it.

As I felt the pain, I abandoned my meal and rushed to the toilet basin (as I did not want to make noise which could make others having meal fishy and embarrassed).

I was advised to eat bananas, which would take the fish bone down to the stomach. In fact, generally people eat bananas, or bread, or hot rice – without chewing – to get the fish bones eradicated. I tried all of these, but the fish bone seemed adamant.

I tried to vomit out. I did it for at least 15 minutes, almost, I felt, I emptied out my stomach. But nothing worked. I felt so weak.

It was then I decided to go to the doctor. Smiling, I explained to the doc what had happened. He checked my mouth, sprayed a small quantity of local anesthesia which made my tongue heavy and throat numbed.

Then, he easily removed the fish bone with the help of his instrument. "There it is", he exclaimed as he plucked out the fish bone. It was a tiny one, which the doc handed over to me. The entire exercise hardly took five minutes. It was an easy process but then he charged me a fat fees – Rs 500/- bucks. He also prescribed some medicines.

My friend mocked me saying a small peice of fish cost me rupees five hundreds (given that in Delhi, one kilo fish cost around Rs 70-80). Relieved that I felt, I did not think of the monetary loss.

Lal Thanhawla government must cancel all “backdoor appointments” to fight corruption

By Paritosh Chakma

Yesterday, i.e. on 26 March 2009, Minister of Personnel & Administrative Reforms, H Liansailova made a shocking revelation in the State Assembly of Mizoram. He stated that 1,730 “backdoor appointments” had taken place in various government departments during the last five years of MNF rule. Except for 41 appointments, the rest had taken place without advertisements, which means that the right persons had not been appointed for public services.

These included three veterinary doctors, nine accountants, nine cashiers, 36 coordinators, 17 data entry operators, one PA to SSA project director, 35 project assistants, 52 group D officers, three riders, two assistant engineers, seven junior engineers, 80 upper primary teachers, 1363 education volunteers, one sub-inspector, five ASI (M)s, 41 constables and 66 medical officers, the minister informed.

This also proves that corruption is deep – rooted in Mizoram. Of course, every one of us knows of it but the admission by a cabinet minister this time has officially confirmed it.

The Congress party had rode to power on the wave of promises to provide a corruption- free administration and good governance. If it is committed to root out corruption from public domain it must take measures to annul all such illegal appointments as these actions had clearly violated Article 16 providing for “Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment”, among others, and take legal action against the accused. All such posts must be advertised again for appointment of suitable candidates.

Such stringent actions are necessary not to show the MNF in poor light but to restore the faith of the people on the present government. By taking proper legal actions, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla can demonstrate that his administration has “zero tolerance” against corruption and stands in favor of transparent, efficient and good governance.

Now, Mizoram Chakmas threaten to boycott polls

By Paritosh Chakma

The elections are the best season for the voters to demand something from the political parties and the government in power which is seeking re-election.

It is also the best time for the voters to express their angst and dissatisfaction with the things around them. The political class has no option but to give way to the voters’ demand (whether these demands will be fulfilled or not does not matter), lest the voters decide against them on the D-Day. In other times, who listens to the woos of the common man? He has to run from pillar to post in search of justice.

Hence, the elections I think are god’s gifts in a democracy.

The Chakmas of Mizoram also seem to have realized the importance of their votes – which is good for them. This time around, they have threatened to boycott the forthcoming General Elections if compensation is not paid to them for their losses due to the India-Bangladesh Border Fencing. I have been thinking of this for a long time. I thought whether the Chakmas were politically awakened enough or united enough so as to boycott the elections for realizing their demands. In mainland India such threats have always dominated the press and the media.

Recently the Chakma representatives from three villages – Marpara South, Tarabonye and New Sachan (along the India-Bangladesh border) met Mizoram governor Lt Gen (Rtd) M M Lakhera to express their concerns. They have made it clear that unless justice in terms of providing proper compensation was provided, they are going to boycott the elections.

The total voters population of these three villages are not much (could be less than 1500) but their action could have enough political significance in a democracy like India and the good name which Mizoram as a peaceful, progressive state enjoys. Hence, the Governor has assured all help to assuage their concerns with regard to border fencing and the Chakma villagers have reportedly withdrawn their threat.

Recently, the government of Mizoram has stated that Chakmas who have fallen outside the border fencing are NOT displaced because the border fencing is not the international boundary. Hence, the displaced persons are free to stay where they are. (see, "Chakma fencing victims not displaced: Mizoram govt", http://www.merinews.com/catFull.jsp?articleID=15710225 ). It means, the government has no plans to rehabilitate and resettle them. The Chakmas have since grown quite restless and suspicious of the government’s motives.

If the victims are not rehabilitated, it will have long term negative impacts on their lives. (For details of it, see "The Border Burden", http://paritosh-chakma.blogspot.com/2009/02/border-burden.html)

It will be a black day for democracy in Mizoram if the displaced Chakmas, who have lost everything they had, given up for national interest, are not resettled and looked after properly. These ethnic minority people will loss faith totally in the administration system controlled by the Mizos. Any move against proper compensation, resettlement and rehabilitation will prove to be detrimental to Mizoram’s peace, progress and development.