[Note: I have received the following press release from the Mizoram Bru Displaced People's Forum]
OFFICE OF THE
MIZORAM BRU DISPLACED PEOPLE’S FORUM
Head Office: Naisingpara Relief Camp, P.O. Gachirampara, Tripura (N)-799271
2 December 2009
PRESS RELEASE
MBDPF condemns use of violence
Agartala: The Mizoram Bru Displaced People’s Forum (MBDPF), the representative body of the Brus displaced from Mizoram, has taken note of the statement of the Mizoram NGOs’ Coordination Committee that the “Brus will not be repatriated until and unless they shun violence and militant activities against the Mizos”.
“We condemn without any reservation all forms of violence whether committed by a Bru or a Mizo or a member of any other community” - stated Mr Elvis Chorkhy, President of MBDPF.
The MBDPF reiterates that it has never engaged in violence and consistently condemned the use of violence in any form by any individual or organisation. The MBDPF therefore immediately condemned the killing of a Mizo youth, Zarzokima on November 13th and urged the government to investigate and punish the culprits. The MBDPF further stated that its President Elvis Chorky himself was held hostage for 22 days in June 2007 by the armed groups.
The MBDPF appealed to the Mizoram NGOs’ Coordination Committee which includes the Young Mizo Association (YMA) and Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) and other civil society organizations to unequivocally condemn the use of violence by any group or community. We fervently appeal to these civil society organizations to condemn violence against the Brus that was unleashed following the murder of Zarzokima. At least 465 houses belonging to the Brus were burnt down in 11 villages. It caused destruction of properties, displacement of thousands of Brus and exodus of over 2000 Brus to Tripura.
The MBDPF states that “criminals are criminals and they have no religion or ethnicity”. The criminals whether belonging to Bru or Mizo community must be singled out and be prosecuted in accordance with the law of the land.
However, no community whether Bru, Mizo or any other group should be held responsible for criminal acts of individuals who must be punished in accordance with the law. [Ends]
Friday, December 4, 2009
Monday, November 23, 2009
Attacks on Bru minorities in Mizoram
I. Press Release of Asian Centre for Human Rights (New Delhi), 20 November 2009
http://www.achrweb.org/press/2009/IND10-09.html
CBI investigation sought into the communal attacks on the Brus in Mizoram
- Congress is communal in Mizoram -
New Delhi: Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) today urged Home Minister P Chidambaram to order an investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into the killing of one Mizo youth identified as Mr Zarzokima on 13 November 2009 and subsequent burning down of villages inhabited by the Brus also known as the Reangs in Mizoram since 14 November 2009. More than 500 houses were reportedly burnt and over 5,000 Brus were displaced and forced to seek refuge in Tripura and Assam. “As prima-facie evidence do exist to establish beyond any reasonable doubt that the State government and the some Mizo NGOs were behind the premeditated attacks to prevent the return of the Brus from 14 November 2009 and all the major attacks against the minorities took place under Chief Ministership of Pu Lalthanhawla, an inquiry by the CBI is indispensable” – stated Mr Suhas Chakma, Director of Asian Centre for Human Rights.
ACHR further asserted that in Mizoram, the Congress Party leaders have not been able to rise above their ethnicity and pursued policies against the minorities. All the attacks against the minorities in the State i.e. on the Buddhist Chakma tribals at Marpara in August 1992, deletion of thousands of Chakma citizens from the voters list in Mizoram in 1995 in violation of the 1955 Citizenship Act and 1986 Citizenship Amendment Act and the communal attacks against the Brus in October 1997 took place under the Chief Ministership of Pu Lalthanhawla. No relief assistance, including establishment of relief camps, has been provided to these displaced persons who took shelter in Tripura since 14 November 2009.
ACHR also urged the Centre hold a tripartite meeting consisting of the State Government of Mizoram, Central government and Mizoram Bru Displaced Peoples Forum (MBDPF) to workout an agreement for return of the displaced Brus with guarantees for safety, security and proper rehabilitation and to send a clear message to the communal forces in Mizoram; arrest all the culprits and ensure their prosecution through speedy trial and provide assistance to the displaced.
[Ends]
II. Reply of Govt of Mizoram
Press Statement of Home Minister, Government of Mizoram in regard to the recent trouble between Mizos and Brus, 22 November 2009
[ Source: Department of Information and Public Relations, Govt of Mizoram]
It is deeply unfortunate that a highly regarded organization such as the Delhi-based Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) has approached the Central Government with allegations that the Government of Mizoram was behind the recent communal trouble between the Mizos and the Brus. Before making such serious accusations, it would have been a wise move for ACHR to approach the Government of Mizoram to learn the facts and what steps the State Government took at the onset to prevent further violence from taking place.
I would like to make it clear here that when the State Government learned that 17-year old Zarzokima of Bungthuam village had been killed by alleged Bru militants calling themselves Bru National Army of the Bru Revolutionary Union on November 13, 2009, I made a statement to the effect that violence would be retaliated with violence, meaning the State Government would deal strongly with those threatening to disrupt the peace and harmony of Mizoram through violence.
The “prima-facie evidence” mentioned by ACHR to prove that the burning down of Bru villages were premeditated by the Government of Mizoram and “some Mizo NGOs” could stem from the accusations made by the Mizoram Bru Displaced People’s Forum that my statement was provocative. As a responsible public leader and a long-time Congress man, I wish to strongly state that my statement was neither provocative nor meant to instigate communal violence.
I would be the first to admit that the Western and North Western belt of Mizoram has been a simmering pot of communal problems from as far back as 10-15 years ago and that the problems between the Mizos and Brus could escalate at the drop of a hat. As such, when the State Government learned of the November 13, 2009 killing of a Mizo youth in western Mizoram, the district authorities were immediately alerted to take action to prevent any communal trouble from flaring up while at the same time to vigorously pursue investigations into the killing of the youth. Moreover, police forces were sent from various parts of the state to Mamit district, the district where the killing took place, as reinforcements. The difficult terrain and inaccessibility of some of the villages made it impossible for the police personnel to reach these places and prevent outbursts of violence. Police, however, managed to prevent miscreants from committing arson at Damparengpui, the biggest Bru village in the area, although, unfortunately, they were unable to save five houses. Had not the police reacted swiftly, Damparengpui could have been razed to the ground and we consider it immensely fortunate that no lives were lost and no one suffered physical injuries from the Bru community.
At this point in time, the State Government is yet to establish whether any NGO is involved in the torching of villages and investigations are still on. Meanwhile, seven persons, four from Kawrthah village, two from West Phaileng village and one from Suarhliap village were arrested on November 15, 2009 in connection with the burning down of villages.
It is the State Government’s belief that the killing of Zarzokima was an attempt by some people with self-interests from the Bru community to prevent the repatriation process which was to begin from November 16, 2009 from taking place. The State Government had taken great pains to see that the repatriation take place as early as possible despite the reluctance shown by the Bru refugee leaders to be repatriated. This reluctance is clearly highlighted by some of the demands the leaders made, demands that are impossible for the state government to meet such as allocating each refugee family four hectares of land.
I would like to assure ACHR that the Government of Mizoram is in no way involved in the torching of Bru villages and that relief measures and protection for the victims are in place and have been carried out. Immediate relief measures carried out was to distribute four kg of rice to each adult and 2 kg of rice to each child, two blankets per family and a silpouline for temporary shelter. The district administration has also been instructed to provide cooking utensils and other necessary household items such as daos (big knife for cutting down bamboos and small trees) necessary for the construction of huts. The State Government has also announced ex-gratia of Rs 10,000 for each victim-family which is to be distributed without undue delay.
I would like to take the opportunity here to give a brief history of the relationship between Mizos and the minority communities of Mizoram. Mizoram has three minority communities namely Gorkhas (Nepalis), Chakmas and Brus (also called Reangs). Mizos have co-existed peacefully with these minority communities for more than a hundred years despite attacks and violence from them towards the Mizos. As anyone will know, when something goes wrong between two communities, things tend to take a turn in a communal way. As such, when a Forest Deptt. Game Watcher Lalzawmliana was killed by Bru miscreants in 1997, the first communal trouble flared up between the Brus and Mizos leading to thousands of Brus fleeing Mizoram despite urgings from the Mizoram Government not to leave the State and assuring them protection. These are the same Brus which the Government of Mizoram is trying to repatriate, the process of which was to have begun on November 16, 2009 if the incident of the killing of the Bungthuam youth had not happened. It may also be correct to mention that some of the Bru leaders living in refugee camps have become ensconced comfortably in the camps given their status as leaders and as such, are showing reluctance to leave the refugee camps since they would face great hardship making a living through farming once they come back to Mizoram.
Given the circumstances as mentioned above, it is the Brus themselves that are now causing problems in the repatriation program and not the Government of Mizoram and the Mizo community as the ACHR would have us believe. Therefore, I strongly urge the media to downplay the recent Bru-Mizo incident so as to enable the Mizoram Government to repatriate the Brus without any further problems and as soon as possible.
http://www.achrweb.org/press/2009/IND10-09.html
CBI investigation sought into the communal attacks on the Brus in Mizoram
- Congress is communal in Mizoram -
New Delhi: Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) today urged Home Minister P Chidambaram to order an investigation by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into the killing of one Mizo youth identified as Mr Zarzokima on 13 November 2009 and subsequent burning down of villages inhabited by the Brus also known as the Reangs in Mizoram since 14 November 2009. More than 500 houses were reportedly burnt and over 5,000 Brus were displaced and forced to seek refuge in Tripura and Assam. “As prima-facie evidence do exist to establish beyond any reasonable doubt that the State government and the some Mizo NGOs were behind the premeditated attacks to prevent the return of the Brus from 14 November 2009 and all the major attacks against the minorities took place under Chief Ministership of Pu Lalthanhawla, an inquiry by the CBI is indispensable” – stated Mr Suhas Chakma, Director of Asian Centre for Human Rights.
ACHR further asserted that in Mizoram, the Congress Party leaders have not been able to rise above their ethnicity and pursued policies against the minorities. All the attacks against the minorities in the State i.e. on the Buddhist Chakma tribals at Marpara in August 1992, deletion of thousands of Chakma citizens from the voters list in Mizoram in 1995 in violation of the 1955 Citizenship Act and 1986 Citizenship Amendment Act and the communal attacks against the Brus in October 1997 took place under the Chief Ministership of Pu Lalthanhawla. No relief assistance, including establishment of relief camps, has been provided to these displaced persons who took shelter in Tripura since 14 November 2009.
ACHR also urged the Centre hold a tripartite meeting consisting of the State Government of Mizoram, Central government and Mizoram Bru Displaced Peoples Forum (MBDPF) to workout an agreement for return of the displaced Brus with guarantees for safety, security and proper rehabilitation and to send a clear message to the communal forces in Mizoram; arrest all the culprits and ensure their prosecution through speedy trial and provide assistance to the displaced.
[Ends]
II. Reply of Govt of Mizoram
Press Statement of Home Minister, Government of Mizoram in regard to the recent trouble between Mizos and Brus, 22 November 2009
[ Source: Department of Information and Public Relations, Govt of Mizoram]
It is deeply unfortunate that a highly regarded organization such as the Delhi-based Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) has approached the Central Government with allegations that the Government of Mizoram was behind the recent communal trouble between the Mizos and the Brus. Before making such serious accusations, it would have been a wise move for ACHR to approach the Government of Mizoram to learn the facts and what steps the State Government took at the onset to prevent further violence from taking place.
I would like to make it clear here that when the State Government learned that 17-year old Zarzokima of Bungthuam village had been killed by alleged Bru militants calling themselves Bru National Army of the Bru Revolutionary Union on November 13, 2009, I made a statement to the effect that violence would be retaliated with violence, meaning the State Government would deal strongly with those threatening to disrupt the peace and harmony of Mizoram through violence.
The “prima-facie evidence” mentioned by ACHR to prove that the burning down of Bru villages were premeditated by the Government of Mizoram and “some Mizo NGOs” could stem from the accusations made by the Mizoram Bru Displaced People’s Forum that my statement was provocative. As a responsible public leader and a long-time Congress man, I wish to strongly state that my statement was neither provocative nor meant to instigate communal violence.
I would be the first to admit that the Western and North Western belt of Mizoram has been a simmering pot of communal problems from as far back as 10-15 years ago and that the problems between the Mizos and Brus could escalate at the drop of a hat. As such, when the State Government learned of the November 13, 2009 killing of a Mizo youth in western Mizoram, the district authorities were immediately alerted to take action to prevent any communal trouble from flaring up while at the same time to vigorously pursue investigations into the killing of the youth. Moreover, police forces were sent from various parts of the state to Mamit district, the district where the killing took place, as reinforcements. The difficult terrain and inaccessibility of some of the villages made it impossible for the police personnel to reach these places and prevent outbursts of violence. Police, however, managed to prevent miscreants from committing arson at Damparengpui, the biggest Bru village in the area, although, unfortunately, they were unable to save five houses. Had not the police reacted swiftly, Damparengpui could have been razed to the ground and we consider it immensely fortunate that no lives were lost and no one suffered physical injuries from the Bru community.
At this point in time, the State Government is yet to establish whether any NGO is involved in the torching of villages and investigations are still on. Meanwhile, seven persons, four from Kawrthah village, two from West Phaileng village and one from Suarhliap village were arrested on November 15, 2009 in connection with the burning down of villages.
It is the State Government’s belief that the killing of Zarzokima was an attempt by some people with self-interests from the Bru community to prevent the repatriation process which was to begin from November 16, 2009 from taking place. The State Government had taken great pains to see that the repatriation take place as early as possible despite the reluctance shown by the Bru refugee leaders to be repatriated. This reluctance is clearly highlighted by some of the demands the leaders made, demands that are impossible for the state government to meet such as allocating each refugee family four hectares of land.
I would like to assure ACHR that the Government of Mizoram is in no way involved in the torching of Bru villages and that relief measures and protection for the victims are in place and have been carried out. Immediate relief measures carried out was to distribute four kg of rice to each adult and 2 kg of rice to each child, two blankets per family and a silpouline for temporary shelter. The district administration has also been instructed to provide cooking utensils and other necessary household items such as daos (big knife for cutting down bamboos and small trees) necessary for the construction of huts. The State Government has also announced ex-gratia of Rs 10,000 for each victim-family which is to be distributed without undue delay.
I would like to take the opportunity here to give a brief history of the relationship between Mizos and the minority communities of Mizoram. Mizoram has three minority communities namely Gorkhas (Nepalis), Chakmas and Brus (also called Reangs). Mizos have co-existed peacefully with these minority communities for more than a hundred years despite attacks and violence from them towards the Mizos. As anyone will know, when something goes wrong between two communities, things tend to take a turn in a communal way. As such, when a Forest Deptt. Game Watcher Lalzawmliana was killed by Bru miscreants in 1997, the first communal trouble flared up between the Brus and Mizos leading to thousands of Brus fleeing Mizoram despite urgings from the Mizoram Government not to leave the State and assuring them protection. These are the same Brus which the Government of Mizoram is trying to repatriate, the process of which was to have begun on November 16, 2009 if the incident of the killing of the Bungthuam youth had not happened. It may also be correct to mention that some of the Bru leaders living in refugee camps have become ensconced comfortably in the camps given their status as leaders and as such, are showing reluctance to leave the refugee camps since they would face great hardship making a living through farming once they come back to Mizoram.
Given the circumstances as mentioned above, it is the Brus themselves that are now causing problems in the repatriation program and not the Government of Mizoram and the Mizo community as the ACHR would have us believe. Therefore, I strongly urge the media to downplay the recent Bru-Mizo incident so as to enable the Mizoram Government to repatriate the Brus without any further problems and as soon as possible.
Tuesday, October 6, 2009
Over the dining table - a thought on identity
By Paritosh Chakma
Over the dining table in the spring this year, a Mizo girl asked me: “Do you Chakmas in Mizoram consider yourselves as Mizos?”
I paused for a while before I replied:
“ To me it would depend on the meaning of the term ‘Mizo’. It means whether we take Mizo as an ethnic community or as a territorial/geographical or national identity. Say for example, all Indians irrespective of whether they are Tamils, or Gujaratis or Assamese or Khasis identify themselves as Indians.”
“Similarly”, I continued, “Chakmas living in Mizoram must identify themselves as Mizos. In that sense, we are definitely Mizos too. That is precisely why Chakmas who are residents of Mizoram do not require Inner Line Permit to enter Mizoram.”
At the Assam-Mizoram checkpoint at Vairengte, a signboard facing the passengers reads – “All Non-Mizos are required to produce Inner Line Permit”.
We Chakma students never cared to think of the permit; the question simply did not arise in our minds because we identified ourselves with the “Mizos” - not with the “Non-Mizos” referred to in the signboard.
But, I explained to her, Chakmas are a distinct ethnic tribe and different from the Mizos.
I remember immediately she shot back at me saying, “That is the problem with you Chakmas. You never say you are Mizos.”
On 23 September 2009 she was proved wrong. That day the influential Mizo Zirlai Pawl (Mizo Students’ Association) burnt copies of a Mizoram Board of School Education text book which claimed, among others, that Chakma was a sub clan of the Mizo tribe.
Yet, it was not the MZP to be blamed. I don’t think the Chakma issue was the main objection. Even the Chakmas themselves do not claim to be a sub clan of the Mizos, although they are proud citizens of Mizoram. Hence, the reference in the text book got to be deleted anyway.
In my view, the text book for Class IX “Enjoy Your English” was unacceptable as Chapter 10 – “Jewel of North East: Mizoram” was full of errors. Even Mizoram’s location - ‘Tripura in the East and Myanmar in the South’ - was not correct. It also got Mizoram’s history wrong.
The errors were not surprising. It was written by non-Mizo scholars who were “born and brought up outside Mizoram”- explained MBSE secretary K Lianhmingthanga.
Thursday, October 1, 2009
A trip to Nepal
Recently I paid a three-day visit to Kathmandu, the picturesque capital of Nepal. Kathmandu is a valley surrounded by beautiful mountains, and it looked wonderful from above. As our aircraft landed after negotiating with the thick clouds, there was a feeling of joy and relief in my mind. It was my maiden visit to Nepal.
The old Kathmandu is a bit crowded and had small, clumsy roads. I found adjacent Lalitpur has much clean, bigger and smooth roads; and the some hilly landscapes look a bit similar to Shillong.
In Nepal, Indian Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes are not accepted. So, Indians have to carry Rs 100-notes which make your purse looks thicker. Everywhere you can pay in Indian Currency. The exchange is as follows: IC 100= NC 160.
Among other things, what caught my imagination is the unique Bakery Cafe at New Baneswar. I saw several Bakery Cafes in Kathmandu, but the amaging thing about this one is that all the staff, except the manager, were people who were dumb! "It is a special mission", explained my friend about the founder of this Bakery Cafe. It takes some time before you could actually find out that all the waiters, including the female, were deaf and dumb. Hence, you could put an order or ask a question only in writing on a note-pad and the waiter replied in writing as well. All of the waiters have been recruited from a special school meant for the deaf and dumb. Hence, all of them were educated and they could communicate in English, of course in writing!
I thought it was a wonderful piece of entrepreneurship and indeed, a special mission to provide employment to these special people, to make them feel that they are also an equal part of the society. I wonder whether such examples exist elsewhere in the world. My Nepalese friend said this was the only restaurant of this kind in entire Nepal.
Saturday, September 19, 2009
The Twitter Controversy Involving Shashi Tharoor
By Paritosh Chakma
All of a sudden there is a mad rush among the (Congress party) politicians to prove themselves "austere" to win the hearts of the aam admi , i.e. the electorate. After, Sonia Gandhi travelled in economy class and her son Rahul took the Delhi-Amritsar Shatabdi Express, everybody wanted to turn austere to please the Congress boss. So much so that Union Minister Salman Khurshid had to issue a warning that “vulgar display” of austerity should be discouraged. Mr Khurshid argued that "Austerity is something intrinsic and very personal".
There is however some mismatch. For example, Rahul Gandhi reportedly told reporters, "As a politician, you have a duty to be austere,” but his visit to Tamil Nadu to strengthen the Youth Congress cost Rs 1 crore from Congress' purse. No matter, who is paying the money.
Even Shashi Tharoor, Minister of State for External Affairs has claimed that he was paying from his own pocket, not taxpayers' money, for staying in 5-star hotel but was ordered to leave by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and shift to State Guest House.
Recent tweets in social networking site "Twitter.Com" however invited trouble for Mr Tharoor, a novice in politics after he tweetted - "absolutely, in cattle class out of solidarity with all our holy cows!", in reply to a query whether he was ready to travel "cattle class". He was reprimanded by the Congress party, and Rajasthan CM went further ahead to demand his resignation. Luckily for Mr Tharoor, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the minister's remark was "a joke", and should not be taken seriously.
On his part, Mr Tharoor clarified that "cattle class" is "a silly expression but means no disrespect to economy travellers, only to airlines for herding us in like cattle" and said sorry for the misunderstanding. He told another important thing: people do not have humour to accept humour. So, what is the fuss about calling economy class a "cattle class". The Gandhis may be travelling in economy class or boarding a train now to emulate the experiences of the common man, but how long? They will never be common men - "aam admi". I hope they also realized that there exist something called "sleeping class" in train and ordinary people do not travel with heavy security around them. Politicians enjoying z-security should never travel in train or on the road. This only leads to chaos and creates untold problems for the citizenry. They are heavenly people - austerity is not meant for them. As I understand, politicians are more hurt by Mr Tharoors observation because he stingingly refered to the "holy cows" which the majority politicians see they are. But Mr Tharoor clarified, "holy cows are NOT individuals but sacrosanct issues or principles that no one dares challenge".
Another truth that emerges from the present controversy is that "indeed, we lack humour". While not many politicians are net-savvy, poor Shashi will continue to bear the brunt for his tweets. But Shashi must also realize there are millions across the globe who are behind him. I am one of them.
All of a sudden there is a mad rush among the (Congress party) politicians to prove themselves "austere" to win the hearts of the aam admi , i.e. the electorate. After, Sonia Gandhi travelled in economy class and her son Rahul took the Delhi-Amritsar Shatabdi Express, everybody wanted to turn austere to please the Congress boss. So much so that Union Minister Salman Khurshid had to issue a warning that “vulgar display” of austerity should be discouraged. Mr Khurshid argued that "Austerity is something intrinsic and very personal".
There is however some mismatch. For example, Rahul Gandhi reportedly told reporters, "As a politician, you have a duty to be austere,” but his visit to Tamil Nadu to strengthen the Youth Congress cost Rs 1 crore from Congress' purse. No matter, who is paying the money.
Even Shashi Tharoor, Minister of State for External Affairs has claimed that he was paying from his own pocket, not taxpayers' money, for staying in 5-star hotel but was ordered to leave by Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee and shift to State Guest House.
Recent tweets in social networking site "Twitter.Com" however invited trouble for Mr Tharoor, a novice in politics after he tweetted - "absolutely, in cattle class out of solidarity with all our holy cows!", in reply to a query whether he was ready to travel "cattle class". He was reprimanded by the Congress party, and Rajasthan CM went further ahead to demand his resignation. Luckily for Mr Tharoor, India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said the minister's remark was "a joke", and should not be taken seriously.
On his part, Mr Tharoor clarified that "cattle class" is "a silly expression but means no disrespect to economy travellers, only to airlines for herding us in like cattle" and said sorry for the misunderstanding. He told another important thing: people do not have humour to accept humour. So, what is the fuss about calling economy class a "cattle class". The Gandhis may be travelling in economy class or boarding a train now to emulate the experiences of the common man, but how long? They will never be common men - "aam admi". I hope they also realized that there exist something called "sleeping class" in train and ordinary people do not travel with heavy security around them. Politicians enjoying z-security should never travel in train or on the road. This only leads to chaos and creates untold problems for the citizenry. They are heavenly people - austerity is not meant for them. As I understand, politicians are more hurt by Mr Tharoors observation because he stingingly refered to the "holy cows" which the majority politicians see they are. But Mr Tharoor clarified, "holy cows are NOT individuals but sacrosanct issues or principles that no one dares challenge".
Another truth that emerges from the present controversy is that "indeed, we lack humour". While not many politicians are net-savvy, poor Shashi will continue to bear the brunt for his tweets. But Shashi must also realize there are millions across the globe who are behind him. I am one of them.
Breaking the impasse
By - Suhas Chakma
The Kathmandu Post, Nepal, 18 Sept, 2009, http://www.kantipuronline.com/tkp/news/news-detail.php?news_id=338
September 18 - India’s Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao received a lukewarm response on her two day visit to Nepal on Sept. 15-16. She met the very same officials whom she met in New Delhi about a month ago. In addition she met President Ram Baran Yadav and Chief of the Army Staff Chhatraman Singh Gurung. The missing link was the Maoist leader Prachanda who conspicuously left for Hong Kong clearly to avoid a meeting.
So was the reason behind Foreign Secretary Rao’s rapid reciprocal visit to Kathmandu to re-announce the package announced in Delhi only about a month ago?
Nothing has changed since the visit of Nepal’s prime minister to Delhi. The stalemate and its consequences are still firmly in place: political polarisation deepens; the peace process continues to run dangerously off course; splits in the larger parties are ever more evident; the country is in ever deeper chaos and the security situation continues to deteriorate. Most seriously there are still two highly politicised armies in the country, not to mention the dangerous proliferation of ever more armed groups.Most speculate that Rao’s mission was to buttress Madhav Nepal. But Indian influence has its limits and the visit is unlikely to do much more than delay the inevitable end of this lame duck government.
India’s support for this government appears mostly aimed at denying Nepal’s Maoists a share in power. This position seems linked to rising domestic Indian alarm over Naxalis. Home Minister P Chidambaram in his address to the conference of the India’s State police chiefs on Sept. 14 in New Delhi stated that the Naxalism has affected 2000 police stations in 223 districts of 13 States of India. At the same meeting, National Security Advisor M K Narayan expressed concerns about Maoist resurgence in Nepal.
India is right to be concerned about the failure of the Nepal Maoists to end violence. But this does not necessarily add up to the shrill arguments about Maoist takeover and havens for Indian Naxalism that find favour at the Embassy; and appear to be transmitted verbatim to South Block. India’s most senior Nepal expert, SD Muni has indelicately described the ideas of insurrection as: “bullshit”.
If security is the end goal of Indian policy then India has to realise — whether it likes it or not — that inclusion of Nepal’s Maoists in government is central to a stable and secure Nepal. All the main parties have demonstrated that if they are not included they can make life impossible for the government. There is no solution to the stalemate in Nepal without the Maoists, just as there is no solution without including the Nepali Congress. India’s current position of maintaining the stalemate adds to insecurity: it is not in India security interests.
More broadly, India’s policy on Nepal simply does not add up. India claims to support the peace process. Yet India provides public support to the Nepal Army and its supporters who vehemently oppose integration of the Maoist army. Integration (albeit undefined) is a central part of the peace process.The consequences of this one sided policy are that they allow the Army and its right wing political supporters an effective destabilizing veto over the peace process. It will and is catalysing a Maoist reaction of increased protest and the very real threat of increased violence which could spiral. It prevents resolution of the peace process and provides momentum to the armed groups in the absence of security reform. It further adds momentum to the damaging process of polarisation that empowers those who favour extreme “solutions” and conflict at the expense of consensus politics. In these circumstances increased insecurity on India’s borders is inevitable.
Similarly, India must realise that a legitimate constitutional drafting process requires Maoist participation; they are the largest political party in the constituent assembly. Why would the Maoists soften their position as long as they are denied access to power?
The Maoists on their part must recognise India’s needs. It is a matter of common sense. Prachanda may act as the rabble-rouser to maintain equidistance from China and India but the fact remains India has unmatched leverage.
Nepal is landlocked by India. Nepal can get financial support from China but it is simply not possible to bring gasoline and food supplies for 27 million Nepali people by air. To bring Nepal to a standstill all India needs to do is to put two police constables respectively at the Mahendra Nagar side and the Kakarbitta side along the Indo-Nepal border to strangle Nepal.
Maoist anger against Indian interference cannot be addressed by attacking Indian priests at Pashupati Nath temple. It is one matter to demand the ouster of the Indian priest, it is another matter to strip and assault them. The Maoists may deny their involvement but it is an open secret that they were behind the attacks.
Nepal’s stalemate is a serious political issue with wide ranging consequences for India. The policy should be addressed by India’s politicians and not left to bureaucrats. It requires the engagement of political leaders. The absence of an Indian political party with leverage on the government of India and an interest in Nepal is a handicap. The CPI (M) which had an interest in Nepal affairs has no leverage on the current UPA government. The political parties in Bihar and UP across the spectrum have no interest on Nepal.
The Asian Centre for Human Rights believes that a first step to a more positive Indian role would be to appoint a political leader to play a role — similar to that played previously by Sitaram Yechury of the CPI(M) — as an envoy to break the impasse in Nepal. Yechury was instrumental not only in the negotiations between the Maoists and seven party alliance but also amongst the Maoists.
Such an envoy should provide political support for a national unity government and provide support to the parties to sign a new agreement to clarify areas of current disagreement and develop mechanisms to address the disagreements and bring the peace process on track.
If such an agreement could indeed be reached, India’s Prime Minister must visit Nepal. Policies announced by Foreign Secretary Rao will have meaning in such a situation. No Prime Minister of India has visited Nepal since then Prime Minister I K Gujaral in 1997. The first foreign visits undertaken by India’s Foreign Minister Mr S M Krishna and Home Minister P. Chidambaram were to Bhutan in, respectively, June and August of this year. Earlier, in May 2008, India’s Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh had also visited that country.
India claims to be a super power. But, it must also act responsibly and transparently. It must look beyond retired foreign secretaries while appointing envoys to Nepal. Many of the Indian political leaders share excellent rapport with the Nepalese political leaders and that should be utilised. A stable Nepal is very much in India’s national interest.
(The writer is Director of the Asian Centre for Human Rights)
Read more on Nepal:
- Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR)'s Briefing Paper - Madhes: The challenges and opportunities for a stable Nepal, 19 Sept, 2009
- ACHR's Briefing Paper- Nepal and the Pax Indianus, 14 July 2009
More articles by Suhas Chakma:
- Enforce the law in North-East by Suhas Chakma, The Tribune, India, 19 August 2009, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2009/20090819/edit.htm#7
- Need for a policy for the displaced people by Suhas Chakma, The Tribune, India, 1 Jan., 2006, http://www.tribuneindia.com/2006/20060101/edit.htm#1
Friday, September 18, 2009
Rain water harvesting in the North-eastern India- with special reference to Mizoram
By - Dr. M.P. Mishra
[I have found this article very interesting and relevant, and have therefore reproduced here. The source is as below: http://www.ecosensorium.org/2009/09/rain-water-harvesting-in-north-eastern.html]
Mizoram is one of the smallest states in the north-eastern India having an area of only 21,000 sq. Km. It is located in the extreme North East of India bordering Myanmar and Bangladesh. The state is entirely mountainous covered with lush green vegetation. The mountains range in a North - South direction and the rivers flow in either a North or South direction. The highest peak namely Blue Mountain is only 7100 feet high and the climate of Mizoram is moderate. Towns and villages in Mizoram are mostly located on hilltops or on the upper reaches of the hills. Since perennial streams and rivers are located much below the habitations, scarcity of water in the dry season is very common. The whole state enjoys abundant monsoon rainfall during the rainy season extending five or six months in a year.
Springs on the hill slope and valleys are the main water supply sources in the villages. In the dry period the yield from springs gets reduced drastically. During the worst dry periods one has to wait long hours to obtain just a bucketful of water from the spring sources. Spring water supplemented by rainwater harvesting still remains today, the main means of water supply in many villages and outskirts of towns.
Through their skill and experience, the people living in hills and mountains of North-eastern India have developed a number of novel practices of farming, checking soil erosion, preventing landslides, and yes – of conserving water. Cropping in terraces along hill slopes is an age-old practice developed by tribal people. Tribals of Mizoram and Nagaland are expert in cutting beautiful terraces along mountain slopes. This system of cropping is beneficial in retaining fertility of soil; preventing land slides and checking soil erosion. Secondly, it is helpful in retaining the moisture of soil and conserving water, also. How are the terraced fields irrigated? Well, here is the answer.
Tribal people in the north-eastern India are expert in cutting beautiful terraces on hill slopes
The terraced fields are irrigated by a network of water- channels of bamboos that reach to every field. The terraces are graduated in so nice and scientific ways that water flows conveniently through the bamboo channels and irrigates the crop fields. Sometimes holes are made in the bamboo-pipes that facilitate the flow of water in drips. Thus the water is saved against any wastage during the process of irrigation. This system of irrigation is called as “Bamboo-drip Irrigation System”.
The loss of forests and less density of trees in certain regions has altered the pattern of rainfall in some districts of the North –eastern India including Mizoram and Nagaland. The water cycle in these regions has badly been altered and the sources of water have become inefficient. With the skill and experience, the people of these areas have developed a novel method of rain water harvesting and water conservation which is called as Zabo System of Rain water Harvesting.
The word “Zabo” means – impounding of water. The indigenous system of conservation of rain water in Mizoram and Nagaland, through which water is collected and stored in ponds for irrigation and other purposes, is called as the Zabo system of water conservation. The harvesting of water through this system is done by collecting rain water in catchments along mountain slopes. A Pond is dug to store water of the catchment area and all the water flowing down through terraces is facilitated to accumulate into it. The water thus accumulated in ponds is used for various purposes including irrigation. The Government of Mizoram has started a number of projects of water conservation. Rainwater harvesting and spring developments were taken up as a Government Programme. The Rajiv Gandhi National Drinking Water Mission, aiming at providing drinking water to every person, sanctioned a substantial fund for rooftop rainwater harvesting tanks. As many as 198 villages in Mizoram have benefited from the scheme.
Monday, September 7, 2009
The border fencing conundrum in Mizoram
- The insensitivity of the Mizoram government is deplorable -
By Paritosh Chakma
The Chakma tribals in Mizoram are in awkward situation, thanks to the ongoing border fencing along the Mizoram-Bangladesh border. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs’ Annual Report 2008-2009, fencing of 150.15 km stretch out of the total 352.33 km sanctioned in Mizoram has been completed.
As many as 35,438 Chakmas from 5790 families in 49 villages, i.e. 49.7% of the total Chakma population, will be displaced. Their land, homestead, garden and forests have been acquired by the state government of Mizoram under the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. In all land acquisitions across the country, the State has always employed arbitrary methods. Notably, the Mizoram government through its gazette notification issued on 27th October 2006 (Issue No. 272) under the Land Acquisition Act had warned that “All persons interested in the said land are hereby warned not to obstruct or interfere with any Surveyor or other persons employed upon the said land for the purpose of the said acquisition” (Clause 3 of the notification).
Protests by the Chakmas can be dealt with firmly on the ground of “obstruction” or “inference” by the protestors to the fencing activities. This takes away the democratic right to protest peacefully against injustice, if any. Of course, there have been lots of injustices.
The victims have been alleging discrimination in payment of compensation. While some have only received in thousands (below 1 lakh), some others have managed to get as high as thirty lakhs or a few even above. How these people got so high whereas some got extremely low has not been explained. Yet, some have informed me that they have not got any compensation despite losing their fertile lands or gardens. One of my friends told me his name was okeyed by the surveyors and he did produce his land document but he came to know from insiders that his name is missing from the final list of beneficiaries. He is contemplating legal action and I support him very much. This means that there is simply no iota of transparency, openness and fairness in the delivery of compensations. Often, in such environment there is high chance of corruption among officials and others. And, Lal Thanhawla administration which has promised clean and good governance must take notice of this.
As for the prospect of resettlement and rehabilitation there is complete darkness. The fencing affected people who are really innocent and ignorant about the affairs of the state (displacement is new phenomenon to them) keep on asking me on the phone whether I came to know anything from the Ministry of Home Affairs in Delhi about R & R. The state government of Mizoram has never cared to assuage their feelings of insecurity or alienation. In fact, district level officials have been suggesting that there may not be any R&R and the victims will have to rebuild their lives with the compensation money they have been provided. This struck fear in the hearts of the Chakma victims as majority of them have consumed up their compensation money, and they have now been living in penury.(To know more in this regard, read another report: Let the Chakmas live in peace; give them the respect they deserve )
In comparison, other state governments are better. At least they think the people who are affected by the border fencing are their own. The state government of Meghalaya had even suspended the fencing works in response to the protests from the victims and this provided itself and officials of Border Management to investigate the grievances expressed by the affected people. Nothing of that sort has happened in Mizoram. On 1 September 2009, Tripura Chief Minister gave an assurance in the State Assembly that all the displaced families (7,997 families) will be provided proper rehabilitation in the state (The Sentinel, 3 September 2009). He was replying to a query by an opposition Congress MLA. Compare this with the position adopted by the Mizoram Home Department with regard to the Chakmas: “It may be mentioned that those families placed on the other side of the Fencing Line may not be called 'displaced' since the Fencing Line is not the boundary of Indo-Bangia Border.” How funny! Does the Mizoram government trying to say that the fencing affected people will not be provided any rehabilitation?
Such insensitivity on the part of the Mizoram government is highly deplorable. Although about half of the Chakmas in Mizoram will be displaced, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, or his predecessor Zoramthanga of MNF, has never made any policy statement in the House or elsewhere. No peoples’ representative including the two Chakma MLAs in the House has raised any concern for the would-be displaced Chakmas. Instead the Chakmas have been kept guessing in the dark.
* * * * * *
To know more about the situation of Chakmas in Mizoram, please read "Mizoram: Minority Report" by Paritosh Chakma, The Economic & Political Weekly, 6 June 2009 Issue
By Paritosh Chakma
The Chakma tribals in Mizoram are in awkward situation, thanks to the ongoing border fencing along the Mizoram-Bangladesh border. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs’ Annual Report 2008-2009, fencing of 150.15 km stretch out of the total 352.33 km sanctioned in Mizoram has been completed.
As many as 35,438 Chakmas from 5790 families in 49 villages, i.e. 49.7% of the total Chakma population, will be displaced. Their land, homestead, garden and forests have been acquired by the state government of Mizoram under the Land Acquisition Act, 1894. In all land acquisitions across the country, the State has always employed arbitrary methods. Notably, the Mizoram government through its gazette notification issued on 27th October 2006 (Issue No. 272) under the Land Acquisition Act had warned that “All persons interested in the said land are hereby warned not to obstruct or interfere with any Surveyor or other persons employed upon the said land for the purpose of the said acquisition” (Clause 3 of the notification).
Protests by the Chakmas can be dealt with firmly on the ground of “obstruction” or “inference” by the protestors to the fencing activities. This takes away the democratic right to protest peacefully against injustice, if any. Of course, there have been lots of injustices.
The victims have been alleging discrimination in payment of compensation. While some have only received in thousands (below 1 lakh), some others have managed to get as high as thirty lakhs or a few even above. How these people got so high whereas some got extremely low has not been explained. Yet, some have informed me that they have not got any compensation despite losing their fertile lands or gardens. One of my friends told me his name was okeyed by the surveyors and he did produce his land document but he came to know from insiders that his name is missing from the final list of beneficiaries. He is contemplating legal action and I support him very much. This means that there is simply no iota of transparency, openness and fairness in the delivery of compensations. Often, in such environment there is high chance of corruption among officials and others. And, Lal Thanhawla administration which has promised clean and good governance must take notice of this.
As for the prospect of resettlement and rehabilitation there is complete darkness. The fencing affected people who are really innocent and ignorant about the affairs of the state (displacement is new phenomenon to them) keep on asking me on the phone whether I came to know anything from the Ministry of Home Affairs in Delhi about R & R. The state government of Mizoram has never cared to assuage their feelings of insecurity or alienation. In fact, district level officials have been suggesting that there may not be any R&R and the victims will have to rebuild their lives with the compensation money they have been provided. This struck fear in the hearts of the Chakma victims as majority of them have consumed up their compensation money, and they have now been living in penury.(To know more in this regard, read another report: Let the Chakmas live in peace; give them the respect they deserve )
In comparison, other state governments are better. At least they think the people who are affected by the border fencing are their own. The state government of Meghalaya had even suspended the fencing works in response to the protests from the victims and this provided itself and officials of Border Management to investigate the grievances expressed by the affected people. Nothing of that sort has happened in Mizoram. On 1 September 2009, Tripura Chief Minister gave an assurance in the State Assembly that all the displaced families (7,997 families) will be provided proper rehabilitation in the state (The Sentinel, 3 September 2009). He was replying to a query by an opposition Congress MLA. Compare this with the position adopted by the Mizoram Home Department with regard to the Chakmas: “It may be mentioned that those families placed on the other side of the Fencing Line may not be called 'displaced' since the Fencing Line is not the boundary of Indo-Bangia Border.” How funny! Does the Mizoram government trying to say that the fencing affected people will not be provided any rehabilitation?
Such insensitivity on the part of the Mizoram government is highly deplorable. Although about half of the Chakmas in Mizoram will be displaced, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, or his predecessor Zoramthanga of MNF, has never made any policy statement in the House or elsewhere. No peoples’ representative including the two Chakma MLAs in the House has raised any concern for the would-be displaced Chakmas. Instead the Chakmas have been kept guessing in the dark.
* * * * * *
To know more about the situation of Chakmas in Mizoram, please read "Mizoram: Minority Report" by Paritosh Chakma, The Economic & Political Weekly, 6 June 2009 Issue
Saturday, September 5, 2009
Nepal’s language imbroglio
By - Suhas Chakma, Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights
Nepal’s Vice President (VP), Paramananda Jha’s decision to take his oath of office in Hindi was greeted with near apoplexy by the political establishment in Kathmandu. The Supreme Court (SC) of Nepal instructed the VP to retake the oath in Nepali by 4 p.m. on Aug. 30 2009. VP Jha has refused to take fresh oath. Nepal is in a major political and constitutional crisis.
Speaking as a member of an indigenous group — the Chakmas — and as someone who has spent a lifetime defending minorities and indigenous communities, I find much of the argument very familiar. The undertone of the debate in Kathmandu seems clearly premised on a fixed idea of what is, and what is not Nepali. This sits on the exclusionary idea that Hindi is an Indian language and all that infers about many people of the Tarai.
Read the full article: Nepal's Language Imbroglio, The Kathmandu Post, 3 September 2009
-------
Nepal’s Vice President (VP), Paramananda Jha’s decision to take his oath of office in Hindi was greeted with near apoplexy by the political establishment in Kathmandu. The Supreme Court (SC) of Nepal instructed the VP to retake the oath in Nepali by 4 p.m. on Aug. 30 2009. VP Jha has refused to take fresh oath. Nepal is in a major political and constitutional crisis.
Speaking as a member of an indigenous group — the Chakmas — and as someone who has spent a lifetime defending minorities and indigenous communities, I find much of the argument very familiar. The undertone of the debate in Kathmandu seems clearly premised on a fixed idea of what is, and what is not Nepali. This sits on the exclusionary idea that Hindi is an Indian language and all that infers about many people of the Tarai.
Read the full article: Nepal's Language Imbroglio, The Kathmandu Post, 3 September 2009
-------
Saturday, July 18, 2009
Mizoram: Brutal torture kills a 13-year-old Mizo boy in a Children's Home
By Paritosh Chakma
I learned with horror and pain that a Mizo boy identified as Lalnunpuia, son of Rinsanga of Chaltlang Lily in Aizawl, was on last July 13 tortured to death by the caretakers at Herald for Christ’s Children Home at Lungleng, about 15 kms north of Aizawl. The only fault of the ill-fated child, who was barely 13 years, was that he had allegedly ragged another boy junior to him. The deceased was accused of being indiscipline and hence, "punished" by the workers of the Home. But he was beaten up so brutally and inhumanly that he died hours later in the same day.
As it happened every time someone was beaten to death, the authorities of the Herald for Christ’s Children Home tried to cover up the incident and defend the accused. The Home’s authorities initially stated that the child had died of asthma and heart problem. But the photographs published in a local newspaper “The Aizawl Post” dated 16th July 2009 indicate brutal torture on the boy. This concurs with the claim of the boy’s parents that he had been tortured to death.
The Herald for Christ’s Children Home is a recognized intitution under the Social Welfare Department of the government of Mizoram. The act of torture to the point of death constitutes the most serious violation of human rights. The government of Mizoram must take adequate measures to arrest the perpetrators and they must be brought to justice, whoever they are and whatever connections they have, if any, with higher authorities including, of course, politicians.
The death of Lalnunpuia should also serve as a wake up call for the government of Mizoram which should immediately activate all its mechanisms to monitor the conditions of all such Homes/detention centres wherever children are being given shelter/detained - be they private or government-run. It is the duty of the State to protect the rights of every child.
Article 191(1) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child states that "States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child."
During investigation/monitoring by officials, no leniency must be shown to the concerned officials of the Homes/detention centres if any failings on the part of the insitutition is noticed. Any inadequacies must be immediately addressed; every worker or official of such Homes/ detention centres must be held accountable for his or her actions of ill treatment against any child. Any complaint or allegation must be promptly investigated and its findings made public along with the action taken report. Only this will help prevent further abuse of children or deaths of children in Children's Home.
Every child has his/her rights. Let every child bloom to the fullest and for that matter, he or she be allowed to grow in an environment free from torture or torturous conditions.
I learned with horror and pain that a Mizo boy identified as Lalnunpuia, son of Rinsanga of Chaltlang Lily in Aizawl, was on last July 13 tortured to death by the caretakers at Herald for Christ’s Children Home at Lungleng, about 15 kms north of Aizawl. The only fault of the ill-fated child, who was barely 13 years, was that he had allegedly ragged another boy junior to him. The deceased was accused of being indiscipline and hence, "punished" by the workers of the Home. But he was beaten up so brutally and inhumanly that he died hours later in the same day.
As it happened every time someone was beaten to death, the authorities of the Herald for Christ’s Children Home tried to cover up the incident and defend the accused. The Home’s authorities initially stated that the child had died of asthma and heart problem. But the photographs published in a local newspaper “The Aizawl Post” dated 16th July 2009 indicate brutal torture on the boy. This concurs with the claim of the boy’s parents that he had been tortured to death.
The Herald for Christ’s Children Home is a recognized intitution under the Social Welfare Department of the government of Mizoram. The act of torture to the point of death constitutes the most serious violation of human rights. The government of Mizoram must take adequate measures to arrest the perpetrators and they must be brought to justice, whoever they are and whatever connections they have, if any, with higher authorities including, of course, politicians.
The death of Lalnunpuia should also serve as a wake up call for the government of Mizoram which should immediately activate all its mechanisms to monitor the conditions of all such Homes/detention centres wherever children are being given shelter/detained - be they private or government-run. It is the duty of the State to protect the rights of every child.
Article 191(1) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child states that "States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child."
During investigation/monitoring by officials, no leniency must be shown to the concerned officials of the Homes/detention centres if any failings on the part of the insitutition is noticed. Any inadequacies must be immediately addressed; every worker or official of such Homes/ detention centres must be held accountable for his or her actions of ill treatment against any child. Any complaint or allegation must be promptly investigated and its findings made public along with the action taken report. Only this will help prevent further abuse of children or deaths of children in Children's Home.
Every child has his/her rights. Let every child bloom to the fullest and for that matter, he or she be allowed to grow in an environment free from torture or torturous conditions.
Tuesday, July 7, 2009
The Changed World
(A poem byParitosh Chakma)
When I was a child
And visited my grandparents’ house
Twenty miles away
Down the river - winding and mild:
I found the pebbles
On the river beds
so beautiful,
The songs of the birds
so soothing,
And, the foams that danced on the tiny waves
so mystic.
My mind travelled in wonderlands
On the wings of the wind,
So thrilling was the splash of the oar
That my heart did soar -
When I was a child
And visited my grandparents’ house
Twenty miles away
Down the river - winding and mild:
I found the pebbles
On the river beds
so beautiful,
The songs of the birds
so soothing,
And, the foams that danced on the tiny waves
so mystic.
My mind travelled in wonderlands
On the wings of the wind,
So thrilling was the splash of the oar
That my heart did soar -
For, every splash it made
Took me nearer to grandparents’ house.
Now, twenty years later,
I still love to visit my grandparents’ house
I still love the birds, the pebbles and the river;
Only no longer I hear birds sing carefree,
Nor do the foams dance on the waves
For me
The pebbles no longer attract me
During my journey to grandparents’ house
Twenty miles away
Down the river.
I know why birds can’t sing carefree songs, or
Waves can’t dance or pebbles won’t silently lie.
They see and feel the changed world too!
The river silently flows -
But there’s sadness and anger in her heart
At the sufferings of the people who live on her lap.
Took me nearer to grandparents’ house.
Now, twenty years later,
I still love to visit my grandparents’ house
I still love the birds, the pebbles and the river;
Only no longer I hear birds sing carefree,
Nor do the foams dance on the waves
For me
The pebbles no longer attract me
During my journey to grandparents’ house
Twenty miles away
Down the river.
I know why birds can’t sing carefree songs, or
Waves can’t dance or pebbles won’t silently lie.
They see and feel the changed world too!
The river silently flows -
But there’s sadness and anger in her heart
At the sufferings of the people who live on her lap.
Friday, July 3, 2009
"Lalthanhawla's Singapore Bomb On Racism" By Subir Bhaumik
To go to source, click the link: http://subirbhowmikscolumn.blogspot.com/2009/06/subir-bhowmik-returned-from-europe.html
(Subir Bhaumik is the BBC's East India Correspondent and a known Northeast India specialist)
Friday, June 26, 2009
Did Mizoram chief minister Pu Lalthanhawla cross his Laxmanrekha at Singapore this month when he spoke at the the local Waterweek festival ? I would imagine, the answer is yes and no. We have no transcript of his speech - or a written copy, so Lalthanhawla can always say he was misquoted by the media - the usual escape route for publicity-seeking politician who shoot their mouth a bit too far. But Indian diplomats in Singapore do confirm that much that has been attributed to Lalthanhawla was actualkly said by him. The Mizoram chief minister, whose Congress party staged a grand comeback by sweeping the state assembly polls this year, said three things, according to the diplomats who were present. He said people from Mizoram and Northeast were victim of discrimination elsewhere in India, that people elsewhere in India did not even think they were Indians and that he was as much an Indian as anybody else in this country. He somewhat overstepped his limits when he used the word "racial discrimination" to describe the troubles people from Northeast faced elsewhere in India.
I see nothing really wrong with his remarks. It is true most of our Mongoloid-looking brothers and sisters are not seen as "proper Indians" elsewhere in India. Many in Delhi or Bombay or down south would mistake them for being Nepalis or Chinese. They also face a lot of trouble in places like Delhi, where a large number of Northeastern girls have been raped, molested or taken advantage of. Their distinct and somewhat westernised lifestyle and clothes often give our "mainland" brothers the wrong impression - that they are easy to have. And they face this because they are seen as different. It is a lot of ignorance and quite a lot of bias that goes to create such a situation. Even Shahrukh Khan understood this problem when he potrayed the trouble faced by the two tribal girls from Manipur in his world-beating Indian woman hockey team - initially these two girls were told by the heavy and huge Punjabi defender that they should have learnt Punjabi before they came to Delhi.
The neglect of Northeast by successive Indian government is further compound by the way the people of mainland India look at the region. So Lalthanhawla clearly spoke the truth when he said that he was seen as a Nepali down south and that he was as much Indian as anybody else. What he perhaops did not say but could well have is that he had to pay the price of being an Indian - specially as a Congressman in the days of the MNF separatist insurgency when Mizos loyal to India were killed or harassed.
But Lalthanhawla made the mistake of context. He said all he did before an international audience and in the context of the racist attacks on Indian students in Australia.The Australians deserve the strongest condemnation for what is happening in that country and it is not expected that a senior Indian politician, wherever he comes from, will help them get off the hook by an off-the-cuff remark. Lalthanhawla and many, many of his Mizo brothers, one must remember , are beneficiarcies of the Indian system. He has been the chief minister and scores of Mizos now man important positions in Indian bureaucracy, police and other public services and the armed forces.
But I have a much bigger criticism to make. Lalthanhawla should look within his own society in Mizoram to see how racism pervades his own state. The Mizos fought India for twenty years to get freedom. They finally settled for a separate state. But look at the way they treat their own minorities - the Chakmas, the Brus and the rest.
That is what late prime minister Rajiv Gandhi reminded MNF chief Laldenga in 1987 when Laldenga pushed for abolition of the Chakma district council. "If you Mizos want justice from India, give justice to your own minorities, the Chakmas," Rajiv Gandhi reminded Laldenga. Look at what is happening to the nearly 30000 Brus (Reangs) who have been driven out of Mizoram by the likes of the Youngnmen Christian Association ["Young Mizo Association" - editor]- for nearly twelve years, successive Mizoram governments have refused to take them back saying they were not Mizoram residents.
That is a big lie. I was in Tripura and witnessed personally the first exodus of the Brus when they first started fleeing West Mizoram into Tripura's Kanchanpur area in October 1997. I know for a fact that most of these Brus are long term residents of Mizoram. But Lalthanhawla's predecessor Zoramthanga clearly told me in a BBC interview in 2002 - "These Brus are Reangs, they are from Tripura, they have their Rajas, they are not Mizos.
Ofcourse they are not Mizos. But who said all residents of Mizoram have to be Mizos. They are Lais, the Maras, the Chakmas, the Brus and the Chins in Mizoram - they are not Mizos but they are residents of Mizoram. No Mizo political party has any sympathy for them. All Mizo political leaders behave as if these minorities dont deserve even the right to stay in Mizoram. Government employees there can strike off the name of even a former Chakma minister of Mizoram government S.P.Dewan from the voter's list.
The minority grievances against Mizo racist domination gave way to greater unity among themselves and their organisation even demanded the creation of a Union territory in South Mizoram by uniting the Pawi, Lakher and Chakma district council. So Pu Lalthanhawla, before he started blaming India for not doing justice to Northeast, should get his act together on the minority issue and give justice to the Chakmas, brus and the rest of the non-Mizo minorities. Charity, Pu Lalthanhawla, begins at home. Take back the Brus from Tripura and give them back their lost homes before you blame Indians for "racial discrimination" against Mizos or Northeasterns. Atleast mainland Indian people can be blamed for ignorance when they think you are Nepali . But Mizos know their minority - and the chief minister should take the lead in giving them justice if he feels so strongly about racial equality.
(Subir Bhaumik is the BBC's East India Correspondent and a known Northeast India specialist)
Friday, June 26, 2009
Did Mizoram chief minister Pu Lalthanhawla cross his Laxmanrekha at Singapore this month when he spoke at the the local Waterweek festival ? I would imagine, the answer is yes and no. We have no transcript of his speech - or a written copy, so Lalthanhawla can always say he was misquoted by the media - the usual escape route for publicity-seeking politician who shoot their mouth a bit too far. But Indian diplomats in Singapore do confirm that much that has been attributed to Lalthanhawla was actualkly said by him. The Mizoram chief minister, whose Congress party staged a grand comeback by sweeping the state assembly polls this year, said three things, according to the diplomats who were present. He said people from Mizoram and Northeast were victim of discrimination elsewhere in India, that people elsewhere in India did not even think they were Indians and that he was as much an Indian as anybody else in this country. He somewhat overstepped his limits when he used the word "racial discrimination" to describe the troubles people from Northeast faced elsewhere in India.
I see nothing really wrong with his remarks. It is true most of our Mongoloid-looking brothers and sisters are not seen as "proper Indians" elsewhere in India. Many in Delhi or Bombay or down south would mistake them for being Nepalis or Chinese. They also face a lot of trouble in places like Delhi, where a large number of Northeastern girls have been raped, molested or taken advantage of. Their distinct and somewhat westernised lifestyle and clothes often give our "mainland" brothers the wrong impression - that they are easy to have. And they face this because they are seen as different. It is a lot of ignorance and quite a lot of bias that goes to create such a situation. Even Shahrukh Khan understood this problem when he potrayed the trouble faced by the two tribal girls from Manipur in his world-beating Indian woman hockey team - initially these two girls were told by the heavy and huge Punjabi defender that they should have learnt Punjabi before they came to Delhi.
The neglect of Northeast by successive Indian government is further compound by the way the people of mainland India look at the region. So Lalthanhawla clearly spoke the truth when he said that he was seen as a Nepali down south and that he was as much Indian as anybody else. What he perhaops did not say but could well have is that he had to pay the price of being an Indian - specially as a Congressman in the days of the MNF separatist insurgency when Mizos loyal to India were killed or harassed.
But Lalthanhawla made the mistake of context. He said all he did before an international audience and in the context of the racist attacks on Indian students in Australia.The Australians deserve the strongest condemnation for what is happening in that country and it is not expected that a senior Indian politician, wherever he comes from, will help them get off the hook by an off-the-cuff remark. Lalthanhawla and many, many of his Mizo brothers, one must remember , are beneficiarcies of the Indian system. He has been the chief minister and scores of Mizos now man important positions in Indian bureaucracy, police and other public services and the armed forces.
But I have a much bigger criticism to make. Lalthanhawla should look within his own society in Mizoram to see how racism pervades his own state. The Mizos fought India for twenty years to get freedom. They finally settled for a separate state. But look at the way they treat their own minorities - the Chakmas, the Brus and the rest.
That is what late prime minister Rajiv Gandhi reminded MNF chief Laldenga in 1987 when Laldenga pushed for abolition of the Chakma district council. "If you Mizos want justice from India, give justice to your own minorities, the Chakmas," Rajiv Gandhi reminded Laldenga. Look at what is happening to the nearly 30000 Brus (Reangs) who have been driven out of Mizoram by the likes of the Youngnmen Christian Association ["Young Mizo Association" - editor]- for nearly twelve years, successive Mizoram governments have refused to take them back saying they were not Mizoram residents.
That is a big lie. I was in Tripura and witnessed personally the first exodus of the Brus when they first started fleeing West Mizoram into Tripura's Kanchanpur area in October 1997. I know for a fact that most of these Brus are long term residents of Mizoram. But Lalthanhawla's predecessor Zoramthanga clearly told me in a BBC interview in 2002 - "These Brus are Reangs, they are from Tripura, they have their Rajas, they are not Mizos.
Ofcourse they are not Mizos. But who said all residents of Mizoram have to be Mizos. They are Lais, the Maras, the Chakmas, the Brus and the Chins in Mizoram - they are not Mizos but they are residents of Mizoram. No Mizo political party has any sympathy for them. All Mizo political leaders behave as if these minorities dont deserve even the right to stay in Mizoram. Government employees there can strike off the name of even a former Chakma minister of Mizoram government S.P.Dewan from the voter's list.
The minority grievances against Mizo racist domination gave way to greater unity among themselves and their organisation even demanded the creation of a Union territory in South Mizoram by uniting the Pawi, Lakher and Chakma district council. So Pu Lalthanhawla, before he started blaming India for not doing justice to Northeast, should get his act together on the minority issue and give justice to the Chakmas, brus and the rest of the non-Mizo minorities. Charity, Pu Lalthanhawla, begins at home. Take back the Brus from Tripura and give them back their lost homes before you blame Indians for "racial discrimination" against Mizos or Northeasterns. Atleast mainland Indian people can be blamed for ignorance when they think you are Nepali . But Mizos know their minority - and the chief minister should take the lead in giving them justice if he feels so strongly about racial equality.
Saturday, June 27, 2009
In pictures: The life and times of the Chakmas in Mizoram
Chakma dwelling houses
Chakma children, waiting....
Chakma men at work
Chakma women at work
A young Chakma girl with her sibling
A young Chakma boy with his sibling on the back
A young Chakma boy: A burden too heavy?
A Chakma woman selling home-made "rice cake" at market
At a local market in a Chakma village
Fetching water from river
A bamboo raft as mode of travel
A Jhum: traditional and chief occupation of Chakma tribals
Going home
Going to catch fish in the river
A note from the author: Through the above pictures, I have tried to capture the lives and struggles of the Chakma tribals who are very simple people with simple minds and ambitions. All they want are basic facilities which still elude them. These pictures have been captured by me from different Chakma villages/places in Mizoram. Copywrite of these pictures belong to me (Paritosh Chakma). Hence, they can only be used by others after obtaining prior permission.
The Chakmas have their distinct culture, tradition and script. In Mizoram, they live mostly in the Southern part (Chakma Autonomous District Council) and in the western belt, along the India-Bangladesh borders.
Mostly, they live on the river banks. Hence, rivers are crucial for their livelihood, culture and survival. Various modes of transportation are used by Chakma villagers to sail in the rivers – to visit relatives in other villages, to go to market and to go to Jhums (as seen in the pictures above). The only other mode of travel is on foot.
The Chakma tribals are peace-loving souls and they toil really hard in the hills. Their villages are secluded and serene, where time still moves slowly. They are cut off from the hustle and bustle of life. But they are economically very poor and their habitations lacked development. This makes them vulnerable to diseases, illiteracy etc and makes them less relevant to the fast changing times. As their traditional means of livelihood, Jhum, is rapidly dwindling, they fear for their future.
Monday, June 22, 2009
Rs 3 crores border fencing compensation siphoned off in Mizoram?
According to a news item appearing in The Shillong Times dated 22 June 2009, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Mizoram unit filed a complaint with the police alleging that over Rs 3 crore meant for compensating the victims of the India-Bangladesh border fencing has been siphoned off.
The news report stated –
"The Mizoram BJP on Sunday alleged that the compensation meant for affected people of the India-Bangladesh border fencing amounting to Rs 3,02,42,500 has been siphoned off.
State BJP information secretary K Lalchhanhima said the compensation to the tune of Rs 95,87,300 for landowners of Jarulsury-Kukurduley sector had been drawn under 30 fictitious names or land passes, while another Rs 2,06,55,200 for Kukurduley-Borakobakali sector had even been drawn the same way under 60 fictitious names or land passes.The BJP further alleged that three officials siphoned off the money for their relatives. ''Of the Rs 7,87,70,250 sanctioned, Rs 3,02,42,500 has been diverted, '' he stated
The party had filed an FIR with the Lawngtlai police station, he said and demanded the Congress government to book the culprits and ensure that the money reaches the true landowners."
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Mizoram: Misuse of BADP funds
____________________________________________________________________
Read a shorter version of this report - "Misuse of BADP funds in Mizoram" in Merinews.com, 19 June 2009 at http://www.merinews.com/catFull.jsp?articleID=15773212
______________________________________________________________
By-Paritosh Chakma
I am encouraged by the recent candid admission by Mizoram Chief Secretary Vanhela Pachuau that the funds under the Border Area Development Programme (BADP) have been siphoned off and warned that ''Anybody found misusing the BADP fund will not be spared".
The Chief Secretary has confirmed a few cases where the contractors have drawn 60 percent of the fund in advance but failed to carry out the works in Lawngtlai and Saiha districts. This is only the tip of the iceberg.
Certainly, acts of misappropriation of funds or use of funds to develop areas beyond the ambit of the BADP come under the meaning of “misuse of funds”. Non-use of funds is another problem that needs to be addressed.
The main objective of the BADP is “to meet the special developmental needs of the people living in remote and inaccessible areas situated near the international border and to saturate the border areas with the entire essential infrastructure through convergence of Central/State/ BADP/Local schemes and participatory approach”. The BADP is a 100% centrally funded programme.
Sometimes, I do not believe my own eyes and ears when I read and hear that a huge range of development activities can be undertaken under the BADP which has the potential to transform the lives of those “people living in remote and inaccessible areas”. But the aam aadmi is being denied their rights and privileges.
The following are various schemes/projects that can be taken up under BADP sectors:
1) Education:
(i) Primary/Middle/Secondary/Higher secondary school buildings (including additional
rooms)
(ii) Development of play fields
(iii) Construction of hostels/dormitories
(iv) Public libraries and reading rooms
2) Health
(i) Building infrastructure (PHC/CHC/SHC) .
(ii) Provision of medical equipments of basic/elementary Type X-Ray, ECG machines, equipment for dental clinic, pathological labs. etc. can also be purchased.
(iii) Setting up of mobile dispensaries/ ambulances in rural areas by Govt/ Panchayati Raj
Institutions including Tele medicine.
3) Agriculture and allied sectors
(i) Animal Husbandry & Dairying
(ii) Pisciculture
(iii) Sericulture
(iv) Poultry farming/ Fishery/ Pig/Goat/Sheep farming.
(v) Farm forestry, horticulture/floriculture.
(vi) Public drainage facilities.
(vii) Construction of irrigation embankments, or lift irrigation or water table recharging
Facilities (including minor irrigation works).
(viii) water conservation programmes
(ix) Soil conservation-protection of erosion-flood protection.
(x) Social Forestry, JFM, parks, gardens in government and community lands or other
Surrendered lands including pasturing yards.
(xi) Use of improved seeds, fertilizers and improved technology
(xii) Veterinary aid Centres, artificial insemination Centres and breeding Centres.
(xiii) Area specific approach keeping in view the economy of Scale- Backward-Forward integration.
4) Infrastructure
(i) Construction and strengthening of approach roads, link roads (including culverts& bridges)
(ii) Industries- Small Scale with local inputs viz. handloom, handicraft, furniture making, tiny units, black smith works etc. and food processing industry
(iii) Provisions of civic amenities like electricity, water, pathways, ropeways, foot bridges, hanging bridges, public toilets in slum areas and in SC/ST habitations and at tourist centers, bus stands etc.
(iv) Development of infrastructure for weekly haats/ bazaars and also for cultural activities etc. in border areas.
(v) Construction of buildings for recognized District or State Sports Associations and for
Cultural and Sport Activities or for hospitals (provision of multi-gym facilities in
Gymnastic centers, sports association, physical education training institutions, etc.)
(vi) Construction of houses for officials engaged in education sector and health sector in remote border areas.
(vii) Tourism/Sports/Adventure Sports Scheme- creation of world class infrastructure for
tourism and sports in border block wherever feasible- like rock climbing, mountaineering, river rafting, forest trekking, skiing and safaris (car/bike race, camel safaris, yak riding, boating in Rann of Kutchh.
(viii) Creation of new tourist centers.
(ix) Construction of mini open stadium/indoor stadium/auditoriums.
(x) New & Renewable electricity - Bio gas/ Biomass gasification, Solar& Wind energy and Mini Hydel Projects -systems/devices for community use and related activities.
5. Social Sector
(i) Construction of community centers
(ii) Construction of Anganwadis
(iii) Rural Sanitation blocks.
(iv) Cultural Centres/ Community Halls
(v) Construction of common shelters for the old or Handicapped
(vi) Capacity building programme by way of vocational studies & training for youth for self employment and skill up gradation of artisans and weavers.
6. Miscellaneous:
i) Development of Model villages in border areas.
ii) E-chaupals/ agrishops/ mobile media vans/market yards.
iii) Cluster approach wherever feasible.
Only if half of all these – which are meant for the border people – were implemented in the Mizoram-Bangladesh border areas inhabited by the Chakma minority tribals, the Chakma community would have been developed in terms of education, access to health, self employment and infrastructure.
The BADP has been in implementation in Mizoram from 1993-1994. In the initial years up to 1997-1998, only four Rural Development Blocks along Indo-Bangladesh border were covered. During this period of five years, a total of 11.55 crores were allocated to Mizoram only to develop the India-Bangladesh border which is predominantly inhabited by the Chakma tribals. The year-wise allocations were as follows:
1993-94 – Rs 2.84 crore
1994-95- Rs 3.25 crore
1995-96 – Rs 2.73 crore
1996-97 – Rs 2.73 crore
But no development took taken place along the 318-km Mizoram-Bangladesh border. People continued to live in broken houses without any sanitation. Most of the villages up to 1998 were without schools, Health Sub Centres, roads, water facilities, play grounds, community halls or livelihood etc (except traditional “jhum” cultivation).
In 1997-1998 the programme was extended on the eastern side of Mizoram bordering Myanmar.
Presently, BADP scheme is implemented in 16 R.D Blocks whose geographical area totals 12665.09 sq.kms. Of these, 11 R.D Blocks are situated along the Indo-Myanmar border and the rest five R.D Blocks are along the Indo-Bangladesh border.
A total of Rs 146.82 crore have been released to the state of Mizoram under BADP to develop the border areas from 1997 to 2008 as given under:
1997-98 - Rs 6.73 crore
1998-99 - Rs 6.82 crore
1999-2000 - Rs 8.00 crore
2000-01 - Rs 12.32 crore
2001-02- Rs 16.08 crore
2002-03 – Rs 16.32 crore
2003-04 – Rs 12.48 crore
2004-05 – Rs 15.56 crore
2005-06- Rs 9.03 crore
2006-07 – Rs 22.62 crore
2007-08 – Rs 20.86 crore[1]
Hence, a grand total of Rs 158.37 crore have been released to the state of Mizoram from 1993 to 2008.
I do not know how Mizoram is continued to be dubbed as “better performing state” in terms of implementation of BADP. No citizen knows where the money is being pumped in since there is no semblance of development in the areas nearest to the border. Mizoram government has claimed to have utilized the full amounts every year except an amount of Rs 991.83 lakhs which it did not utilize during 2006-07 (Position as on 13.02.2008).[2] Even this non-utilization of funds to the tune of Rs 991.83 lakhs when the targeted population are in dire need of facilities, is a criminal act.
Certainly, the BADP funds are not reaching the targeted population. In order to fine tune the programme, the Ministry of Home Affairs – Department of Border Management has revised its guidelines. The 2009 guidelines has asked the state governments to utilize the BADP funds only in those villages of the blocks, which are located “within 0-10 km” from the international border. The 2009 guidelines further stated:
“Those villages, which are located nearer to the international border will get first priority. After saturating these villages with basic infrastructure, the next set of villages located within 0-15 km and 0-20 km need to be taken up. If the first village in a block is located at a far away location from the international border, the first village/hamlet in the block may be taken as "0" km distance village for drawing the priority list.”
Effectively, in Mizoram, most of the Chakma villages along the Mizoram-Bangladesh border are located within 0-15 km radius from the international border. Hence, they should be given the first priority of development.
For so long, the Chakma minorities have been denied the right to development. About half of the Chakma population in the state are said to be residing outside the Chakma Autonomous District Council and they have been deprived of human development in terms of education, health care, roads, electricity, water supply and other infrastructure and livelihood.
Now, with the stringent provision in place requiring BADP funds be utilized first within “0-10 km” from the international border, can the state government hoodwink the Central government and deny the inhabitants of India-Bangladesh border villages development?
It is to be seen how far the state government is willing to stick to the 2009 guidelines.
Footnotes:
[1]. Statement showing the amount released during the last 10 years (1997-98 to 2007-08) under Border Area Development Programme to various BADP States, Lokh Sabha Unstarred question NO 1669 for 11.03.2008, available at http://164.100.47.133/annex/lsq14/13/AU1669.htm
[2]. Ministry of Home Affairs, Govt of India available at http://www.mha.nic.in/pdfs/BADP.pdf
Saturday, June 13, 2009
Mizoram: Builum village's IDPs deprived of basic facilities to force them to vacate homes
(Submerged future? :A house in the middle of water from the hydel project at Builum village. Courtesy: http://www.lawrkhawm.com)By - Paritosh Chakma
In yet another case of neglect of the rights of the displaced persons, the Mizoram government has allegedly stopped all facilities to the Mizo tribal residents of Builum village under Kolasib district to force them to move out of the village. The Builum village is facing submergence due to a dam constructed over Serlui river to produce electricity.
24 families of Builum village refused to vacate their homes alleging that they have not been provided adequate compensation after their agricultural lands, houses and farms/ gardens have been submerged by the dam water of the 12-MW Serlui B hydel project. About 80 families from Builum village have accepted resettlement package offered by the state government of Mizoram and they have been resettled at Bawktlang village under Kolasib.
The state government has rejected the accusation that adequate compensation has eluded the victims. Instead, the state government has taken punitive measures to force the villagers to vacate their homes. According to social activist Ruatfela Nu who has visited the village, the villagers have not been getting basic facilities such as ration supply, school, water facilities, healthcare and electricity for the last one year. (Newslink, Aizawl, 12 June 2009) Clearly, the state government is totally insensitive to the problems of the affected villagers.
The state government has reportedly closed down the school at Builum village which constitutes deprivation of fundamental right to basic education to over 35 children of the families who continued to stay in the village.
Since most of the agricultural lands of the villagers have been submerged, the villages do not have any income sources to survive. But the state government has made their lives more miserable by stopping supply of ration under the Public Distribution System, drinking water supply and electricity to the remaining villagers of Builum village. The residents of Builum village have not been getting these facilities since for the last one year.
The residents of Builum village are in urgent need of basic amenities like food, water, medicines, school education, electricity supply and jobs.
Friday, June 12, 2009
Mizoram: Health check list for officials
By- Paritosh Chakma
On 11 June 2009, Mizoram’s Health Department in a statement stated that 17 people died of malaria during January to April 2009 in the state. This is itself alarming. But I think this is a very underestimated figure.
Malaria is number one enemy in Mizoram. Particularly the rural areas are malaria prone and the villagers are more victims than in urban areas.
Yet, the govt of Mizoram’s fight against malaria is grossly inadequate. Any villager of Mizoram, in any corner of the state, will agree with me that there not adequate measures installed there to fight malaria and other easily curable diseases. This lack of preparedness kills hundreds every year.
Mizoram is one of the 18 “high focus states” in the National Rural Health Mission (2005-2012) but the basic healthcare facility is yet to reach the rural areas. The goal of the NRHM “to improve the availability of and access to quality healthcare by people, especially for those residing in rural areas, the poor, women and children” - which is still an unrealistic dream.
All rural Mizoram face the problem of lack of access to proper and basic healthcare. In the Chakma inhabited areas along the Mizorram-Bangladesh borders, people think they still live in the Dark Ages. That's because people continue to die from unknown diseases. In some remotest areas, where there are no roads, villagers don't have even a malaria pill to consume or any trained health personnel to consult - simply because both are not available for them.
Yet, the government of Mizoram boasts of having recruited more health staff or established more health centres than necessary for the people of Mizoram. A government data of March 2007 stated that Mizoram had 366 Sub Centres against the required 146; 57 Primary Health Centres against required 22; and 9 Community Health Centres against required 5 in the state! The same data points out that there were 39 doctors at PHCs against required 57 (that is shortfall of 18), there were 303 Heath Workers against required 366 (that is shortfall of 63); but surprisingly no shortfall of Health Assistants (both male and female). See http://www.mohfw.nic.in/NRHM/State%20Files/Mizoram.htm
If that is the case, then why there is no medical staffs (health assistants) in Chakma villages. I am sure even the Mizo villages, or Hmar villages, or Lai villages in Lai ADC or Mara villages in Mara ADC and certainly in Bru villages do not have adequate number of health staff to take care of their health needs.
If we have more Sub Centres and Primary Health Centres and Community Health Centres than are actually required in Mizoram, the question arises as to why some of the villages do not have any? Certainly, not all villages in Mizoram have Primary Health Centres. Some even do not have Sub Centres. Many Chakma village on the India-Bangladesh border (which are outside the Chakma ADC) certainly do not have these medical facilities.
Then, what is the Mizoram government trying to tell to the world?
The government of Mizoram needs to re-think its health policies. First and foremost, Mizoram government must recruit such health experts who can appropriately calculate how many SCs, PHCs and hospitals we need in Mizoram, so that its people, in every corners, enjoy the right to "highest attainable physical and mental health".
Thursday, June 11, 2009
A Chakma 'queen' called Kalpana Chakma
By- Paritosh Chakma
Exactly 13 years ago, a Chakma indigenous woman leader was abducted by army officials and disappeared without a trace in Chittagong Hills Tract of Bangladesh.
Ms Kalpana Chakma, Organizing Secretary of the Hill Women’s Federation, was kidnapped from her home at Lallyaghona village in Rangamati district by Lt. Ferdous, then commander of Kojoichari army camp, at the midnight of 11-12 June 1996. The incident occurred hours before voting for the 7th General Elections in Bangladesh.
At the dead hours of the night (around 1 am), some plain-clothed army personnel knocked at the door of the Chakma family. Lieutenant Ferdous with his 11 soldiers raided Kalpana’s home and picked her up forcibly. Kalpana’s 60-year-old mother Badhuni Chakma told reporters -
“We were asleep when someone called out from outside and wanted to know who were inside the house. Then they pulled down the latch of the door from outside and entered the house. They kept powerful torchlight on our face and took away my younger son Khudiram saying that his 'Sir' (Lieut. Ferdous) wanted to talk to him. Few minutes later they took away my elder son Kalicharan and my daughter Kalpana leaving behind myself and Kalicharan's wife.”
Kalpana's mother said she recognised the voice of Lt. Ferdous who had visited their house earlier. The day before her abduction, Kalpana, who was known for her fierce statements criticizing the army and the Bangladesh government, had an argument with Lt. Ferdous about an incident of 19 March 1996 in which some Jumma people were injured and some houses belonging to Jumma people were set on fire by soldiers from his camp.
Kalpana’s elder brothers - Khudiram and Kalicharan were taken to the lake near their house, blindfolded and their hands tied to the back. But somehow they managed to escape from the clutches of their abductors. One of Kalpana's brothers recognised Lt. Ferdous and two Village Defence Party (VDP) personnel - Nurul Haq, s/o Munsi Miah and Saleh Ahmed - among the kidnappers.
Khudiram Chakma, brother of Kalpana, described how he escaped -
"I was asked to dip into the water near the lake. As soon as I did so, someone shouted 'shoot him'. Sensing imminent death I somehow untied my hand, removed blindfold around my eyes and started running in the waist deep water. I could hear one gunshot behind me but I kept running."
He could hear Kalpana cry out “Dada, Dada, mahre baja” in Chakma tongue which means “brother, brother, save me”. She was forcibly taken away, melting into the darkness. For the Chakmas and for her family, she never saw the light of the day.
On 27 June 1996, the Jumma activists staged demonstration throughout the CHT to press for the release of Kalpana Chakma. During the demonstration 16-year-old schoolboy Rupam Chakma was shot down by the police and three students - Monotosh Chakma, Sukesh Chakma and Samar Bijoy Chakma went missing in Baghaichari on their way to the peaceful demonstrations.
From day one, the army had tried to cover up the abduction of Kalpana. Although Kalpana’s brother Khudiram Chakma mentioned the names of Lt. Ferdous and the VDP persons (Nurul Haq, son of Munsi Miah and Saleh Ahmed) when he lodged an official complaint, there was no mention of any involvement by the security forces in the FIR.
The army denied any involvement in the kidnapping. Initially the army suggested that it was a love affair and that she and Lt. Ferdous had eloped. Later, the army dropped leaflets from a helicopter announcing Taka 50,000 to anyone who could provide information about Kalpana Chakma’s whereabouts.
There were misinformation campaigns too. A Bangladesh government-controlled NGO Bangladesh Human Rights Commission announced at a press conference on 15 August 1996 that Kalpana Chakma was seen in Tripura, India and that she had stage managed her own abduction. The Agartala-based Humanity Protection Forum investigated the allegation on the spot but found the Bangladesh Human Rights Commission's statement was absolutely baseless and false.
Following pressure from the national and international organizations and governments, the government of Bangladesh ordered a judicial inquiry into the abduction and disappearance of Kalpana Chakma on 7 September 1996, almost three months after the abduction. The government of Bangladesh set up a three-member enquiry committee to investigate the case. The committee members were former Justice Abdul Jalil (chairperson), Shakhawat Hossain, Deputy Commissioner of Chittagong and Professor Anupam Sen of Chittagong University.
Justice Abdul Jalil Enquiry Committee submitted the report to the Ministry of Home Affairs on 27 February 1998. But the report was not made public as yet.
Nothing happened despite widespread international condemnation, including a joint resolution on Bangladesh passed by the European Parliament on 24 October 1996 calling for the “immediate release of Mrs Kalpana Chakma” and setting up of “an impartial committee of inquiry” to identify her abductors and role of the army in her disappearance.
Every year the Indigenous Jummas organize rallies in protest against the abduction of Kalpana Chakma and demand that the government come clean. But such democratic protests really felt on the deaf ears of the Bangladesh government which has refused to make the report of the Judicial Enquiry Committee public and prosecute the perpetrators.
In fact, Bangladesh is a country where religious and ethnic minorities do never get justice. Abduction of Kalpana Chakma is not one off case. Many other Jumma women had also been victimised. Over 94% of the rape cases of Jumma women in the CHT between 1991 and 1993 were by the security forces. Over 40% of the victims were women under 18 years of age. None of the perpetrators were brought to justice.
Possibly Kalpana Chakma was killed in army custody. A virulent and fierce fighter for human rights of the oppressed Jummas in a democratic manner, she would remain a challenge for the Bangladesh government if she was spared by the army.
However, she continues to remain in the hearts of the Jummas and every lover of freedom to inspire them for justice and freedom of the oppressed sections of society. She is a Chakma queen of different genre.
Long live Kalpana Chakma.
******
Read further, "We will not let them forget you" - Daily Star, Bangladesh, 12 June 2009, http://www.thedailystar.net/newDesign/news-details.php?nid=92157
Wednesday, June 10, 2009
Women Reservation Bill and Mizoram
By - Paritosh Chakma
With the handsome win of the Congress party in the 2009 General Elections and the support the principal opposition in the parliament, Bharatiya Janata Party is extending to the Women Reservation Bill, India is expected to achieve yet another milestone in empowerment of women. We have just elected Meira Kumar as Speaker of Lok Sabha, a position which a woman has occupied for the first time in independent India.
Observers say now India is actually governed by three women – President of India Mrs Pratibha Patil, President of ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA), Mrs Sonia Gandhi and Lok Sabha Speaker Mrs Meira Kumar.
However, the Women Reservation Bill will face stiff opposition from several male politicians. Recently, the Yadav trio – Sharad Yadav of Janata Dal (United), Mulayam Singh Yadav of Samajwadi Party and Lalu Yadav of Rashtriya Janata Dal have sharply opposed the bill. While the last two Yadavs suggested alternatives (likely increasing the seats in the Parliament to accomodate women MPs and compulsory requirement by political parties to field women in elections), Sharad Yadav threatened to kill himself by consuming poison if the Women Reservation Bill was passed. His ridiculous threat only shows that for some politicians it is the death of parliamentary debates. This explains why our Parliamentarians find nothing worthy to debate inside the House and the House sittings are met with frequent disruptions by unruly members and the 14th Lok Sabha saw the least number of sittings.
Vulnerable sections are always neglected and exploited. I fear that even if the Women Reservation Bill is passed and women are given the 33% reservations in Parliament as well as in the Panchayats, it is most likely that this benefit would be misused by male chauvinists. Many politicians who have no chance to win will simply field their wives or daughters as proxy candidates. For the convicted criminals who have been barred by the court from contesting elections, the law will be a boon. The elected wives will just be puppets at the hands of their criminal husbands who will (mis)use the powers. Hence, the Women Reservation Bill doesn't address these fears.
In the village level, the men will continue to remain at the helm of affairs as their wives as elected Panches and Sarpanches will meekly follow whatever their husbands say. For some males, it will be easy to capture powers through their wives or female members of the household. The very purpose of women empowerment will be defeated.
While women clamour for reservations it is interesting to note that even in states where women voters are majority, women candidates fail to garner people’s (women’s) votes. Why is the question which needs a credible answer.
Women of Mizoram are active in social life, and social engineering. But when it comes to politics they are unwilling to take up the job. A few who have dared to jump into the electoral fray faced defeat which has further demoralized the women.
The defeat of all nine women candidates who contested in the last 2 December 2008 assembly polls is surprising and heart breaking given the fact that women voters outnumber men in Mizoram by 6,644. Of the total 6,11,124 voters, 3,08,884 were women and 3,02,240 men, according to the latest electoral rolls. This should have been an indication of political prowess and empowerment of women in this hilly state where women are treated at par with their male counterparts. But when it is an electoral matter, it ain’t be so.
Look at the statistics. Women had even outnumbered men voters by 3,816 in the 2003 Assembly polls but none of the six women candidates who contested could win. The only good thing last year was the slight increase in the number of women candidates (nine) from six in 2003. But still nine out of total 206 candidates is not very encouraging.
Since Mizoram became a Union Territory in 1972, there have been only three women legislators - Thanmawii of People's Conference (1978 and 1979), K. Thansiami of People's Conference (1979) and Lalhlimpui of MNF (1987). Of them, only Lalhlimpui became a minister (minister of state for social welfare in Laldenga ministry). Since then no woman could occupy a seat in the state legislature.
In 2008, Lalhlimpui – the only woman who became a minister - was nominated by the MNF from Hrangturzo constituency in Serchhip district but she lost. She came third (3,222 votes) behind Lalthansanga of Mizoram People's Conference who won the seat with 4,431 votes and Ronald Sapatlau of Congress (3,979 votes).
Zothankimi was the only woman candidate fielded by the Congress party. She was pitted against political heavyweights like Brig. T. Sailo, a former chief minister and Laruatkima of the then ruling Mizo National Front from Aizawl West- II Assembly constituency. In Aizawl West-II, women voters outnumbered their male counterparts but yet Zothankimi lost the election.
Hence, it is matter of great concern as to why women candidates do not get the mandate. The defeat of women candidates even in constituencies where women voters are more than men, poses serious questions which haven’t been answered. The Women Reservation Bill will come handy for the women aspirants in Mizoram but I am sad that women in Mizoram have not been able to take advantage of their numerical strength at the ballot box, which is the most potential weapon in a democracy.
Tuesday, June 9, 2009
What irritate me most in Delhi
By- Paritosh Chakma
(Rewritten on 10 June 2009)
New Delhi: What irritate me in Delhi most are two things: (1) Ignorance about my native state, Mizoram, and (2) ignorance and insensitivity towards my physical attributes.
1. Ignorance about Mizoram
The North East people’s struggle as they land in Delhi is more of cultural. This stems partly from the fact that most people here even do not know the map of North East India. They are totally ignorant about "peaceful" states like Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya. People know Assam and to some extent have heard of Nagaland because of the bloody insurgencies there. But Mizoram is a peaceful state and in terms of business it is not a state where you can earn in billions, so who cares to know the profile of this tiny state, except perhaps for those who are eyeing the civil services.
When we (Mizos, Chakmas and other ethnic groups) come to study outside Mizoram we carry the pride of Mizoram; we represent Mizoram. Hence we are like a community. I feel most irritated when I am asked where Mizoram is and I am required to explain the north east in the map of India.
Recently, I took an auto-rickshaw to go to a book stall. First the driver looked at me in a curious way which made me conscious of my “different look”. After five-minute drive, he asked me in Hindi:
“Are you from Nepal?”
“No”, I replied. “From Mizoram”
“Where is it, is it in Nepal?” – Another usual question
Not surprised, I replied – “No”. “In the North East. Haven’t you heard of Mizoram?” I wanted to know.
“I know it is in Nepal”, he tried to outplay me.
Irritated, I retorted at him - “Could be, because the entire India is in Nepal”
“It cannot be so. India is bigger than Nepal”
“If Mizoram, which is in India, is in Nepal according to you, then India must be inside Nepal” – I mocked at him. He became amused.
“Is Mizoram your village name?” He meekly asked me, almost surrendering to my arrogance.
“Mizoram is not a village. It is one of the 28 states of India. It is much bigger than Delhi” – I explained.
There were a few minutes of silence.
Then I asked, “Do you know Assam?”
“Yes, it is near Bhutan”, he said.
The man who knows Bhutan is ignorant about a part of his own country.
Later on, in the course of our conversion, he told me that he had completed his Class XII but due to bad circumstances he had to quit studies and took to driving auto for a living. I took pity on his inability to pursue higher education but certainly could not pardon him for his ignorance about my state, Mizoram after studying up to Class XII. Why, in my Class III standards, we were were required to memorise the capitals of all the 25 states (at that time) of India and were punished by our Geography teacher for our inability to correctly name them.
The ignorance of North Eastern states is so much so that even the Honourable Members of Parliament/ Council of Ministers are said to be oblivious of these states. Shri Swaraj Kaushal, who was governor of Mizoram from 8 February 1990 to 9 February 1993, during a Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Indian Parliament) debate on 17 May 2000 made the following statement -
"Much has been said about the ignorance of the North-East. I remember when I was the Governor I used to visit Delhi. I am very sorry to share with this House that some of the Ministers used to ask me--I was the Governor of Mizoram--"how was Mr.Gegon Apang?", little realising that Mr. Gegong Apang was the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh. Sometimes, I was told that I was staying at a beautiful place called Shillong. Shillong is the capital of Meghalaya and I was the Governor of Mizoram."
He stated further, “I will find it very commendable if people in authority, people who are entrusted with the responsibility of deciding matters for the North- East, know the names of seven States, alongwith their Capitals and can name the Chief Ministers of those States. …….. How many of us know as to where the Polo started? Who gave a boost to Polo? We find princes playing it. It was Manipur. The NCERT books are silent on the North- East. ……………. it will be worth examining as to how many Ministers have visited the North- East during the last three, four or five years. I find them paying only helicopter visit. They visit the helipad and they believe that they have visited the States.”
(2) My physical attributes
The people of North East India have different set of physical attributes in comparison to the mainland Indians. To the mainland Indians we look like Chinese or Japanese or Thais or Korean or even Nepalese; but certainly not like "Indians".
This world is like a garden with variety of flowers. Diverse cultures, religions, languages, nationalities, colours, sex identities, ethnic origin and decent. Hence, in a harmonious existence this world would look like a beautiful garden of paradise. But we often do not respect the differences, the diversity.
To the people of North East India, who come to cities like Delhi for studies or jobs, mongoloid features are object for discrimination by the mainland Indians who like to refer themselves as “mainstream people”. I had thought Delhi being the capital of India should be more receptive and people are ahead of their times.
I still remember the day when I first went to the Delhi University (South Campus) to collect admission form in 2003. I was suppose to collect form for Masters degree. But as I was not aware of anything about the admission process and so nervous with none around whom I know, to help me, it was only after the officer at the counter stamped the backside of my ST certificate that I came to know I was in the wrong counter and at wrong time. Actually the admission process for the post-graduate courses did not start and I had collected ST registration form for a graduation course. Oh my God. It is like Ripley's believe it or not.
The entire fault was also not mine, actually. Before taking the form, I had repeatedly asked the officer to confirm whether I was collecting a registration form for Master degree course. Certainly, he saw my face and was in no mood to help. “All forms are available here”, he bluntly replied and asked my ST certificate. He put a stump on the back of it.
When I pointed out the mistake after reading the form, he took back my ST certificate and crossed the stamp with so heavy hand that my ST certificate still bears the ugly cross mark whose imprints are visible from the front. Whenever, I did a photocopy of my tribal certificate, cross mark appeared which looked ugly but fortunately did not create hurdle anywhere.
As I cleared the MA (English) entrance test I had to taste the bitter pill of discrimination first hand in the college again. As I went to the admission counter of the college, I spoke in English to enquire about the procedures. The person sitting at the counter stared at my face and roared at me - “Angres ke baacchee” (Son of Englishman), and he asked me to speak in Hindi. Luckily for me, I had taken Hindi subject in Class X and scored handsomely – above 60 in the board exam.
Another day, I was taking an evening walk near a park where some big boys were playing volleyball at a corner. It so happened that the ball jumped over the fence as I was passing by. Immediately, one of the youths came to the fence and yelled at me “Hei chinki, ball denaa” (pass the ball to me). I took offence being called a "chinki" whose meaning I still do not understand but I heard his friend telling him not to call such names. I decided to pass the ball over the fence.
Don't we have right to be different? Then why are we made fun of?
Certainly, some changes should be made in the school curriculum to make the children more aware about India’s geography and cultures and to respect other's cultures. Unfortunately, our education system is more teaching-based where how to crack certain examination is the ultimate aim. It should be more enquiry-based.
It is not only schools to be blamed, even various TV channels often run advertisements endorsing racism. For example, see the “Amway” company’s ad wherein a flat-nosed boy is shown begging “muje maaf koro” (forgive me) with folded hands while a dirty car and a water bucket are beside him. It appears that the boy (could be portrayed as one of those Nepali labourers who are engaged in cleaning people’s cars in Delhi residential colonies) has committed some serious mistake and was therefore asking for forgiveness.
The question which needs some credible answers is why is that a flat-nosed, mongoloid featured boy has been shown in such poor taste in the ad?
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